Vroege tribuutheffers, China, Theorie

(1) Hi Sichuan, “a concise history of Chinese economic thought”, Forign Languages Press 1988; “During the Western Zhou Dynasty the relationship between labour and wealth seems to have been recognized. As the motto of the ‘’inscription on the coronation Shoes’ put it: ‘be serious in work, for through work one will become rich.’ This is a rudimentary expression of the modern theory that labour creates wealth. Since human life at every stage of development requires labour to produce material wealth, it is only nature that the common people realized the significance of the relationship between labour and riches…. Te idea of riches, or wealth, in those days was based on material goods rather than money. It referred chiefly to the natural property of the society or its value in use. But in a society with a strict caste system, the content of wealth varied in accordance with the social castoff its possessor. For example, the riches of a feudal lord were expressed by the amount of land he possessed, of a low ranking official by the number of his carts and horses and of a peasant by the number of his domestic animals. Strictly speaking, however, not even feudal lords could own land, for the prevailing principle of the dynasty was ‘Under Heaven, every spot is the sovereign’s ground’. The King granted land to the feudal lords to enable them to acquire a certain income through taxing the people who lived on the land. It should be noted that metallic money exited long before the rise of the Zhou dynasty, yet cattle, sheep, silk and iron were more frequently used as a medium of exchange. Hence the existence of metallic money does not contradict the thesis that at that time an individual’s wealth was fundamentally represented in a natural form. / In a society with a largely natural economy, it was easy to fall prey to the illusion that wealth was produced solely by nature, instead of realizing that labour created wealth. This illusion, which we may call the natural view of wealth, exited at that time.”

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(2) Hi Jichuang, “a concise history of Chines e economic thought”, Forign Languages Press 1988; “Sima Quian’s [145-87 B.C.] concept of the scope of wealth included money and material goods regardless of whter they wer captal goods or ordinary products.His lumping together of material goods and capital was like the Mercantilists of western Europe. / In spitof the effortof his contemporary dong Zhongshu, to once more put ethical restints upon economic thought, Sima Quian inherited fromthepre-Quin period quite a different attitude toward walth. He admittend that menof all social strata sought wealth, but included among wealth-seking activitie s many in the non-productive sphere. For example: – Tose xo-called sagesof th imperial government who tink and deliberate carefully in court, discuss affairs in open council, keep fait and die in martyrdom ‘allaim at getting for themselves a lifeof abundance and comport.’ / – The so-called recluse scholars in the countryside, if they enjoy hig reputation, also have as their aim ‘abundant and compofrtable life.’/ – Honest officials will become rich ifthe termsof their service are prolonged. / – Warriors who ‘kill the commander and capture the flag of enmies, fight in in face of arrowsandstones, and defy tthedangerof fire and oiling water are driven by rich rewards.’ / – Honest traders’ who ear not overcovetous still wish to amass more riches. / – Local youngsters who induge in all sortsof malpractices ‘in disregardofthe prohibitionsof the law and fearlessof running on th e roadof deat are all in fact seeking wealth.’/ () Passim: Prostituste who dress themselves up bewitchingly, ‘make light of travelling one tousandli and acdet both old and young without discrimination are but chasing afther money.’/ – Roaming paly bosy who ‘decorate their hats and swords and line upt their carriages ad horses are but making a show for the purposeof getting wealth and glory.’ / – Hunters and fishermen who ‘set out moring and night brave frot st and snow, run around pools and valleys, dare attacks by beast of prey’ are all trying to obtain good in oeder to cater to other peoople’s wants. / – Habitual gamblers who go afhter one another, ‘beting on changcea and risks, ataking partin cock fights and dog races, and bluffing so as tobe sure to win’ are only afraidof losing, but expectant of winning. / – Physicians and those who earn a living ty their skill, ‘cudgelling their brains and doing their utmost’, are only trying to get their livelihood thereby. / – Governmentofficials and clekrs who ‘juggle the law and counterfeit seals and coduments’ are motivated by getting briges. / – Farmers, handicraftsmen, tradesmen and herd masters are ‘all seeking increaseof their riches and multipicationof their goods.’ // And so on. Sima Qian mad no distinction between the productive activities of the oppressed and exliting activitiesof the ruling class, treating them all as moneymaking activities. The result wa that seeking wealth was unduly exaggerated as the sole goal of all human activities. He said, ‘he desire to be rich ins man’s inborn nature. It is something that one does not need ot laearn and is conmonto all … People all over the werold,hustling and bustling along, ar just out for gain’.”

Overgang, Griekse naar Romeinse literatuur

(1) G.M. Grube, “The Greek and Roman Critics”, Methuean & Co. 1968; “Throughout the history of Latin literature Roman poets drew their inspiration from Greek models, and reproduced their themes with varying degrees of fidelity to the originals. We should remember, however, that in ancient times, both Greek and Roman, the notion of originality was very different from ours. Geek poets frequently drew their inspiration from Homer, Greek tragedy re-enacted old legend drawn from the Homeric or Cilic Saga, and he three great tragedians frequently wrote plays which re-enacted legends already dramatised by their predecessors o contemporaries. This applied not only to plots or situations, but also to language and expression; poets and other writers freely borrowed tales from one another, and deliberately changed and improved them, Known poetry was a common possession upon which all could draw and to which all contributed according to their talent What more natural then, when Greek poetry came to Rome, than that they should draw as freely upon it as did the Greeks themselves? / The nature of this dependence changed from direct translation to adaptation as Latin literature developed, and from adaptation to making the Greek borrowings into something quite different. On the one hand, the formal dependence, in matter of genres and meters for example, remained absolute, but on the other hand, from the very first, the spirit and the resulting product were quite different. Plautus might borrow the whole of his plot from a Greek comic poet, but the result was Roman and not Greek; even on the purely formal side, the hexameters of Ennius were very different from those of Homer. The same is true with Latin literature itself; for the hexameters of Virgil are very different again, and Virgil borrowed expressions and phrases form both Homer and Ennius.

(2) Passim: We must therefore keep in mind both the quite different general attitude to originality and plagiarism and also the peculiar Roman dependence upon Greek literature in order to understand both Latin literature and Roman literary theory. Later, the practice of recitation and the declamations of the rhetorical schools, as well as the rhetorical theory of mimesis, which at its best was emulation and at its worst the imitation of particular stylistic trucks and devices, much reinforced this dependence upon predecessors, both Greek and Latin. / We have seen that the Alexandrians themselves were already inhibited by their classical inheritance, and that Callimachus advised them not to compete in the theatre genres – tragedy and epic in particular – where they had inherited perfection. When Roman literature began to develop in the second century, they inherited not only the classical Greek literature but Alexandrian poetry as well, and besides this, a fully developed system of literary theory and criticism, and a language much more developed and sophisticated than their own. In Greece the great creative period came first, theory and criticism followed, but this was impossible in Rome. The inevitable result is that Latin literature was from the first much more self-conscious and self-critical. Their first poets were also their first critics, and we find in the fragments of Lucilius the satirist, for example, a good deal of thought was obviously given to language and literature. The literary genres were set by the Greeks and it was a long time before the roman ventured beyond them. Similarly, in literary and rhetorical criticism and theory, they inherit and restate rather than originate. /

(3) Passim: fortunately, they inherited controversy y as well as theory; the Alexandrians, as we have seen, did not always agree among themselves, and the Romans did not allow themselves to be intimidated by Callimachus from within the great genres of antiquity. Epically – the epic which seems to have been particularly suited to their temperament. Here were the seeds of the aquarelle between those who, in the first centre, wanted to model Roman poetry upon the great works of the classical period – Homer and the tragedians mainly – and those who wished to model themselves upon the smaller products of Alexandrian poetry and theory. All of them, however, seem to have agreed with the Alexandrian in putting emphasis on ars, poetry as hard work, as technical proficiency requiring special knowledge and training, rather than on native creative genius. This is inevitable in a period of theory and criticism and the Romans, in view of this inheritance, could not have avoided it. / The result of this emphasis is a tendency for literature to become esoteric, written by those who know for those who know. In this the Romans did not go so far as the Alexandrians, but even in the golden age of Rome  no literature except oratory, which was directly concerned with matters political and directly appealed to the people, was even integral part of the people’s life as poetry had then in Athens. This is partly due to a difference in national character. The Romans were not a poetic or artistic race, and they knew it, but the tendency was reinforced by considering poetry as largely a matter of trimming and techniques. / ()

(4) Passim: The Romans were very much aware that Greek was a suppler and sophisticated language than their own Lucretius insisted again and again on the difficulty of expressing philosophical ideas in Latin. So did Cicero; he deliberately set out to creating a philosophical vocabulary which largely became the European vocabulary; and he did the same with Rhetoric. Horace’s repeated emphasis on the responsibility of the poet to enrich the language should be read in this context. For he was keenly aware that to restrict Roman poets to the language used by their ancestors was suicidal. More than a century later we shall find Quintilian still aware of the lack of suppleness in Latin, which had to make up in forcefulness what it lacked in subtlety. / Latin literate was therefore the self-conscious creation of men who were thoroughly familiar with a kindred literature which they knew to be far more developed than their own. The educated Romans of the late republic and the early Empire were bilingual. They deliberately set out to from their own language into an instrument by means of which they could hope to rival the Greeks with masterpieces of their own which, imitative in all external matters of form would yet breathe the Roman spirit and celebrate Rome’s achievement. Their inevitable sense of inferiority in literary matters would probably have been fatal to the success of their endeavour had it not been accompanied by a sense of their own greatness in other fields of endeavour where the Greeks had failed, and perhaps also by their sense of superiority, as conquerors, o the contemporary heirs of the greatness of Greece.”

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(5) Denis Feeney “Literarure and religion at Rome – cutures, contexts, and beliefs”, Cambridge University  Press 1998; “The fact is that from the beginning of Roman literature Greek mythology is everywhere, in vast bulk, and an account of mythology in Rome which is going to be o nay used students of the literature must concentrate on the Greek dimension. We must do this, however in the face of the stubbornly rooted notion that there is a hole in Roman culture where genuine myths ought to be, and that Greek myth is a mere supplement to a native Roman lack. It is precisely when we come to study Greek myth in Rome that Roman mythic activity appeared to be most obviously derivative and inauthentic, not only because it seem not to be a ‘native’ or ‘indigenous’ activity, but also because the comparisons throws into high relief the traditionally accepted contrast with the primary and socially grounded mythopoeia of Greece . / The prevalent antithesis between mythic activity in Greece and Rome is formulated by Horsfall with deliberate provocative trenchancy inwards whose pithiness has already proved irresistible for quotation to others: ‘The poets of classical Greece creator retell myth for society at large; Roman men of letters construct secondary myths for recitationes. In that context it exercises little or no ‘social function’.” (Bremmer and Horsfall, 1987) // The antitheses are stark. The most potent of all has its other half unspoken, for ‘secondary’ is left hanging, wit ‘primary’ unexpressed. I ‘primary’ had been expressed it would have opened up one of the biggest cracks in this antithetical construction: a poet can ‘retell’ primary myth, but how can he ‘create’ it? If it is ‘primary’ it is already there. / Such antitheses perpetuate an impossibly Romantic view of Greek culture which paralyses at the outset any attempt to study myths in Rome or any other literate culture. Building on the conclusions for the first chapter, I shall make the case for a more dynamic model of cultural interchange between Rome and Greece, one that will allow us to see that such trans-cultural contact may be enrichment, rather than a diminution, of a society’s imaginative and intellectual resources.  Is shall argue that, far from being ‘secondary’ or ‘derivative’ the Roman engagement with Greek myth was radically innovative and creative forging a transcultural sensibility with which we are still living Shelly may have said ‘We are all Greeks’, but in this regard we are all Romans.”

Economie, Feodalisme, banken

(1) Geng Biao, “”Reminiscences of Geng Biao”, China Today Press 1994; “While overthrowing th political privilege of the landlord class, we mobilized peasansts to oppose theocracy. When we aroused peasants to samsh Buddhist ideols, we always quoted a jingle written by Committeman Mao [later we were told it was written by Sun Xiaoshan]: ‘One god statue, / Two dull eys, / Three meals a day lacking, / Four limbs without senght, / Five features irregular, / Six typesof relatives unrecognized, / Seven aprerture blocked Eight aspects awe-inspiring, Nine: sits all day without moving, / Ten: is in fact useless.’ // Theocracy and clan power provided bases for the ractionair ruling class to maintain its rule. The peasants’ resistnace to theocracy facilitated the overthrow of the landlords’ privilegs in rural areas. Also, peasantssamshing Buddhas themselves, did away with superstitions and raised their political consciousness. / Cla Buddahs in many villages were smashed, and temples and ancestral halls wer turnedinto schools or meting halls for the peasant associations. At the same time, peasants themselves gotridof ancestral memorial tablest and all kindsof god in their houses / The peasant movement punded at not onlythe clan concepts and rules and domestic discipline, b/ut also the decadent authority of the husband. New concepts, such as th eqaulityof men and womenand freedom of marriage in opposition to arrngend and mercenary marriages, spred like a torrent into villages.”

Opbouw socialisme, Sovjet-unie, Religie

(1) Div., “Aspects of religion in the Soviet Union 1917-1967”, The University of Chicago Press 1976 – ndonals A. Lowrie & William C. Fletcher, “Khrushchv’s Religious Policy, 1959-1964”; “The late fifties ad early sixties saw a renewed commitment to the atheistic tenestsof communist ideology itnhe Soviet Union. Ifthe postwar Staling years wer one of detnte between cuhruch and state, the consolidationof of power in the handsof Khurshchev resulted in a unilateral withdrawal of the o=government from the modus viendie whichhad been workd out drung the war. The state, despit the continued cooperation of th church, now attempted to breathe new life in tote doctrine that religion must disappear with the demiseof capitalism. The antirelibgous campaign of th early sixties revived and, in some respect, intensified the policy of the prewar period. / The 1959-64 campaing wa not without precedets in the midfifties. Krushchev himself had issued a call for moderation on November 10, 1954, which effectively terminated the ‘Hunderd days’ campaing. Inasmuch as that abortive campaign againt religion sems to have ben asociatd with Malenkov, it is problabe religion seem to have been asociatd twith Malenkov, it is probable that the irenic tenor of th statement represented a tactic in th stuggle ofr poer, rather than an acuurate index of Khruishchev’s own approachown approach to the religious question. In his Central Comite report at the Twentieth Congress in 1956 thre was a hintof what the futher might hold:  ‘But it would be wrong to think that the survivals of capitalism in the minds  of people have already been wiped ou. Unofrtunaltey, in our fine andinndustirous Soviet family one can still met peopoe who do noet participate I produciteve labor and do not perform useful work for the family or for society. One can also met people who maliciously violatethe rulesof the socialit community. It is impossible to stamp out these ugly manifestations merely by administrative measures, withouth particpaiton of the masses themselves.’ //

(2) Pasim: There was no explicit reference to religion in this rapport, although the phrase ‘survivals of capialism’ might raise the issue I the minds of those well-versed in party semantics. … But the campaign was definitely taking shape. IN the ‘buildingof comunism’ discusios at the Twenty-fist Congress a renewal of antireligious effort could be ofresen. In fact, it was ruimored atht a secret reolution was adopted y the congress calling for eht elimination off all religion from te USSR during the seven-year plan then under discussion. / Certiany thereis ievidence that ht Russian Orthodox church correctly read the portents. IN December, 1959, it moved to defenditself by excommnicatintg recent clerical dector to atheim, and early in 1960 its larders gave dire warning of troubles to come. Immediately terafter the nascent antireligous ampagins broke into the open in unmistakable terms. / On Janaury 10, 1960, the Central committee issued a call for more antireligious propaganda. ON janaury 27 Prvade announced that the society for th eDisseminationff Politcal and scinentific Knowledge, which, among its other duites, bore sole responsibliy for antireligious propaganda, had held a congress attended by Brezhnev, Kosygin, Mikoyan, Suslov, and otherofht top leadership. Two days later, the first secretaryof the Moldavian party’s central comitte demanded that ‘the councilof ministers and local party and governmental organs must nog let a single violation of Soviet legiglstion by the clergy go unpunished.’ ON February 18  his counterpartfor Belorusia stated: ‘Certain churchmen have become so bold as to begin violating Soviet laws. In this, they have been encouraged by our officials in chargeof eccesiatical affarirs, who, incidentally, far from beign controllersof the actitivietof the chruchmen, have in some cases virtually become their assistants.’/

(3) Passim:  Three days after Isvestiia announced that G.G. Karpov, the chairman of the Council forhte affairsof the Russian Orthodox church since that council’s inception, ahd been replaced by V. Kuroedov. Concurently, etropolitan Nikolai, who had occupied a position in the Orthodox church similarto that of Karpov for the state , was replaced by Bishop Nikodom. The removal of the two men who had come to symbolise the regime’s policy of the forties was the first concret evidence of a change in policy. / At the Twenty-second conges of the party I 1961 Khrushchev openly gave his support to the antireligious campaong which by then wass well under way. ‘The battle with survival sof capitalism in the consciousnessof the people, the changing by our revolutionof th habits ad customsof millionsof people buitup over the centuries,is a prolonged and not a simple matter. Survivals of the pst aere a dreadful power, which,, like a nightmareprevail over the indsof living creatures They are rooted in the modesof life eand in eth consciousnesssof millions of people long after the economic conditions which gave birth tothem have vanished … Communist education presupposes emancipation from religious prejudices and superstitions, which hinder individual Soviet peopope fro fully developing their creative powers. A ewell thougt-out and well proportioned sysem of scientific atheist propaganda is necessary, which would embrace all strate and groups of society, to prevent the spred of religious attitudes, especially among children and juveniles. … The interestof building communism require that questionfof communis education stand at the centerof the attention and activity of each party organization, of all communities.’ [Pravda, 18 Octber 1962]  //

(4) Passim:  Further elaboration on precisely what ws intended was provided by the chief  antireligious journal, Nauka I religiia [science and religion], in April, 1962: ‘Druing the peirodof the personality cult, all churches, and the Orthdox church in particular, received a number of privileges which contradicted Lenin’s decree on the separation of Church and State …’ to correct this the Council for the aFfairs of the Russan Orthodox Chuch, which hitherto had been defined as a ‘meansof contact eteen theogovernent and the patiarchate’ in 1961 wa officialy redefined as a supervisory organ for insuring the observanceof Svoeit laws by the church. INMArch, insuring the observances of Soviet laws by the church. In March, 1963, Nauka I religiaa noted that ‘several new stipulations concerning religious cult have recently been adopted’, and defined the new laws in terms which considerably increased restriction on religious activity particularly with regard to participation in secular activities, such as cinemas, plays , and clubs. But this seems not to have been enogh. At a closed metingofth Central Comitteof the party in June, 1963, Ilichev demanded more antireliigious propaganda, and in Janaury, 1964, speking official as the chairmanof the ideological sectionof the Central Comitte, he put forth a fourteenpint program for a vastly expanded antireligous campaign. /

(5) Passim: From the beginning the campaing of the sixties enjoyed explicit support by the highest levesof th regime. Ths represented a marked departure from rewar antireligous efforts. None of the former ampaigns had had the explicit support of the top leversof party or government, but wer conducted by functionaries well dwon in the ruling hierarchy. To be sure, Stalin on occasion had supported antireligous activity in informal intervies, but none of these earlier efforts had anything like the measure of serious support which which top-level officials now gave to the activitiesof the atheistic propagandists.” (Dit is een uniek moment in de geschiedenis, het natuurlijke afsterven van de religie wordt begeleid door een socialistisch regime. Dit gebeurde echter niet op een verantwoorde wijze, daar het een socialisme was dat reeds besmet was door revisionistische invloeden]

Economie, Indonesië, 19e eeuw

(1) Jan Breman, “Koloniaal profijt van onvrije arbeid – Het Preanger stelsel van gedwongen koffieteelt op Java”, Amsterdam University Press 2010; “… een versnelling van het kolonisatieproces in de Preanger. Van nog groter gewicht was de inrichting van de bezette ruimte op basis van territorialimiet. hogere en lagere hoofden waren niet langen elkaars rivalen in de strijd om macht. Zij kregen een ambtsgebied toegewezen waarin zij zich als hermochten of zelfs moesten gedragen, met aanspraak op schatplichtigheid van alle inwoners, maar met het voorbehoud dat zij daarbuiten gen rechten op onderhorigheid konden doen gelden. ….. Territorialisering van het bestuur en sedentarising van de boerenbevolking onder hiërarchisering van de maatschappelijke verhoudingen kregen een krachtige impuls toen de Compagnie als hoogste machtshebber, en als zodanig erkend door de aan haar onderworpen regenten, welke beslag gingen leggen op producten en arbeid van de boerenbevolking. … Door vast te houden aan het al direct gevestigde  handelsmonopolie ontbrak het de boen aan elke onderhandelingsruimte. De uitschaking van het marktmechanisme wed geëffectueerd door buitenstaanders, en Chinezen in het bijzonder, de toegang tot het gebied te weigeren. ….. De onvolkomen greep onder de boerenbevolking, gemedieerd door het inheemse kader, laat zich afleiden uit het uitermate grillige verloop van de koffieleveranties tussen 1721-1800. Uit de productiestaat over deze periode, gebaseerd op opgaven voor De Haan bijeengebracht, blijkt dat pas tegen het einde van de achttiende eeuw een zekere mate van stabiliteit optrad en de periode van de wildste fluctuaties achter de rug was ….. De hiërarchisering van het bestuur op basis van het principe van territorialiteit versterkte de greep op de bevolking en haar productievermogen. Sedentariasatie, zoals geconstateerd, vergemakkelijkte de onderwerping aan de boerenmassa aan het koloniale belastingregime. …..

(2) Passim: De binding van de boeren aan grond, de verplichte inschakeling van de bevolking in de teelt van exportgewassen, het verbod om de woonplaats te verlaten of de dienstbaarheid naar en andere patroon over te brengen, de opsluiting van hoofden in diverse rangen in een gestroomlijnde bureaucratische hiërarchie al deze regelingen beloofden hetzelfde doel: tribuutverhoging …… Aldus werd het dorpshoofd, terzijde gestaan door enkele medewerkers, tot zwaartepunt van de landrente-administratie gemaakt in afwachting van een regeling die zich tot de individuele boer zou uittrekken. ….. De voortzetting van wat in wezen het koffieregime van de Compagnie was geweest leverde niet de grote baten op waaraan Raffles behoefte had. Als oorzaak voor de teleurstellende uitkomsten noemde hij zelf dat de kosten van productie tot en met de aanvoer van de markt ruim twee keer zo hoog waren als de verkoopprijs in de afgelopen jaren had bedragen. Hij voegde hier nog aan toe dat de planter voor zijn arbeid een onredelijk lage vergoeding kreeg. Het is een wanwijzing voorde gigantisch prijsopdrijving die plaatsvond vanaf het moment van aflevering in de gouvernementspakhuizen tot de aankomst van de koffie in de kusthavens. De opslag kwam, zo mogen we concluderen, bijna uitsluitend in de zakken terecht van een reeks van inheemse en Europese bemiddelaars. … Wie zich in de affaire verdiept, komt al snel tot de conclusie dat naast de slechte staat van ’s lands kas ook eigen baat van de gezaghebbers en een kring van vertrouwelingen de drijfveer van deze speculatieve handel is geweest. …..’Het is zoo … dat de Javanen in de preanger Regentschapen zeer weinig behoeften kennen, dat zij aan de vastgestelde nu betaald wordende prijs gewoon zijn, dat een vermeerdering van prijs bij vele, ja bij de meesten niets bij tot de bevordering die de teelt zou uitwerken, maar dat in tegendeel sommigen, zonder dat zij in dat geval dezelfde gelden, die tot hunne behoeften genoegzaam zijn voor een mindere hoeveelheid koffie verkrijgen kunnen zich bij de opbrengst van dat mindere zullen bepaalden niet dan met moeite tot meer productie kunnen aangezet worden. [Ottow 1937]’ // Het was een vrome verwoording van het oneconomische gedrag toegeschreven an de inheemse producent die in later tijd tot een koloniaal dogma uitgroeide, de inverse elasticiteit van vraag en aanbod, door Boeke als leerstuk in zijn theorie van de dualistische economie opgenomen.. ….. () Pasim:  [P. Engelhard] ‘Het Belang van het Moederland vordert ‘den Javaan steeds te houden in deze voor ons zo voordelige sluimering, welke hem belet zijn eigen krachten te leren kennen, of te gevoelen dat hij buiten ons gelukkige zou kunnen zijn.’ In zijn Memorie van 15 april 1805 zegt Engelhard: ‘het zou de vraag nog zijn, of een verder toenemende beschaving van de Javaan wel in het belang zou zijn van het Vaderland’. [de Haan IV 1912] ….. De beslissing van het herstelde Nederlandse gezag in 1815 om vast te honden aan de door Raffles ingevoerde grondbelasting als hoeksteen voor het koloniale beleid, maar in de Preanger regentschapen een daarvan afwijkend stelsel in stand te laten, kwam vort uit de wens tot voortzetting van de koffieproductie op de oude voet en de verdere uitbreiding ervan met het oog op de grote vraag naar dit consumptieartikel in de Atlantische wereld. In 1818, slecht s een paar jaar na het herstel van het Nederlandse gezag, was de koffieprijs gestegen tot meer dan het dubbele van het bedrag dat een pikol in 1815 had opgebracht [Van Deventer 1891]. De stevige concurrentiepositie op de uitdijende wereldmarkt opgebouwd, stond borg voor een gouden toekomst van de zwarte bonen. Toen in 1822 het gebruik in de wereld to 225.000 ton was opgelopen, leverde Nederlands-Indië 100000 ton van dit Total [Wild 2004]. Bi de helft dus en het overgrote deel daarvan kwam uit de Sonda hooglanden.”

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(3) J.H. Boeke, “Indische Economie – I De theorie der Indische Economie”, H.D. Tjeenk Willink & Zoon 1947; “From the foregoing it can be inferred that these dualistic marks will show some general characteristics. Since, as stated at the outset, the dualistic market is Western, there is in the first place the question of the distance on which the Eastern part of this market stands. Distance here does not only mean geographically and in how many companies sense. That means it requires a long, often multiple intermediary link, so costs, and therefore price differences. The seducers, real estate agents [banktik, tangkoelk], transporters, processors and distributors of the population product; the middlemen, forwarders, shopkeepers and peddlers of the imported goods; the shipyard geniuses, mandoers, lau-kehs, tandils, overseers and foremen and the shipyard organizations for the emancipation and guidance of the indigenous labor forces; the greater and waiter people's banks and their representatives, the moneylender, who bring the wisecrackers' money into the desa, a which forces must be paid, and these payments are passed on the weakest party in the exchange, the Eastern party. The lower this intermediary descends, the more oppressive it becomes, for as the absolute volume of the transactions decreases, the higher the percentage that is placed on it to serve as a conviction. the warong holders, buyers, money lenders who have to work a whole day to convert a capital of up to a guilder or ten, cannot live outside a wide margin for even a highly separated existence. This is unjustly usury, the hard-earned wages. ...

(4) Passim: Another phenomenon of the dualistic exchange dealer closely related to the above characteristic is market fragmentation. This conception also relates exclusively to the eastern side of that traffic and, in the end, means that the eastern group does not comply with the demands of the marketter. The market is always a mass phenomenon, since competition is hampered, the market becomes imperfect. such impediments are stringing in Western society an increasing, overhauled meaning; they present themselves as monopoly compliance, entrepreneurial organization, government involvement, colecieving, order and self-sufficiency. however, they may also have been born unintentionally from the circumstances and position of the parties. It is understandable that the barriers on the eastern side are exclusively of the latter kind. the oracles are again the same as those enumerated in dealing with the question of distance; the fragmented supply and the fragmentation question, the ignorance of the market price, the limited mobility of people and goods, which applies in particular to labor and agricultural products, the economic weakness of the members of this group, which makes them envious that all transactions are are pocket-sized, that cannot be taken advantage of from mass transport, that only restores the relationship between supply and demand. / This market fragmentation will also show itself over time, because the same causes also work over time. It is then advisable to set aside only that of preservation after transport, for the factor of the limited mobility of life by day called life. ...

(5) Passim: A third characteristic is the lack of competition, Alfred Rühl rightly associates this characteristic with the lack of individualism. the individual only feels part of the group, of the village or tribal community, is absorbed in that community. And rents out his labor power as a group, both in agricultural and industrial labor, to the fellow villager as well as to the enterprise. // As the fourth and last characteristic of the dualistic markets, I would also like to point out the limited sensitivity of the Eastern grip to the level of price and wages, which is already partly contained in the lack of any spirit of communication mentioned as the third characteristic. everyone grants another a better price, a higher wage completely, and one does not have to worry about what caused that advantage, and to what extent it could also be accessible to others. One seems to feel comfortable in a service relationship higher than the wages one earns in it. In addition, the pecker, which imposes price rises on the supply, has an extremely weak effect in the Eastern world. Western entrepreneurs are already aware of this and have adjusted his policy to it. Meyer Ranneft reports in 1912 as a fact of experience, that if the need for coolies increases, the oil wages are not awarded to the yard agents. If the market price of the kosok [dried leaf tobacco] rises, the indigenous tobacco growers in Lemmenjangdar do not use it to increase their price, but only the number of buyers increases, as their business becomes more profitable, and when [in the good time of the sugar] the sugar manufacturer wanted to increase his reit-area, then he did not increase the hourly price, but tried by means of generosity with advances to bind a larger number of landowners to land rent. "