Vergelijkende geschiedenis, Vroege tribuutheffers, China-Grieken

(1) Thorleif Boman, “Das Hebräische denken im Vergleich mit dem Griechischen”, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1952; “The Greeks gave the world historical science, the Israelites historical religion. Unlike all their neighbors, both peoples have known what history is. However, that is not a result of their mental aptitude. The cause is different: both peoples have lived through great events, what is history, and through their efforts made history. The spiritual character of the two nations, however, is expressed in the same way as they experience and express the history. For both, history was a source of insight into the present and the future. Thucydides wrote his history because what had happened, according to human nature would surely happen again in the future like this or something similar. that was really Greek thought: history is an eternal repetition. There is nothing new under the sun. The Greeks also seek the immutable, the lawful repetition in the flow of eternally changing events. So they use the same method in history as well as nature, because to them history is a piece of nature. One can therefore say with good reason that their spiritual life is a-historical. If one wants to find god, one must look for them in the immutable, in the spiritual sense, in the ideas. /
 
(2) Passim: To the Israelites god revealed himself in history, not in ideas. He revealed himself by acting and creating. His essence was not learned in doctrines, but in actions. Most of the books in the Old Testament are historical, and those that are not - Song of Songs, Proverbs, Job, Qohelet - have the concrete life of men as their object, they are not systematic representations. History is a movement toward a goal set by God. With his exhortation or his blessing, he initiates the movement, monitors it and intervenes where he finds it necessary. Because history is movement, the past is also alive. The past, present and future of the people are like a cohesive whole, where everything lives. The forefathers and the now living are a unity what god has done to the others has done to us. You, us, he has exported from Egypt. Exodus 13.9-16. The life of the people is not experienced as a whole by analogy with the life of individual people. Just as in the individual life past experiences than in the past experienced and deeds in the past are effectively surrendered, so for the Hebrews also in the life of the people. The people are a person. If we always keep that in mind, it is not possible to understand and feel the Hebrew historical conception. We also recall what has already been said above about the Israeli concept of time. It should above all be pointed out here that history leads to a goal, like all religious-ethical valuable actions purposefulness. Now when god reveals himself to the father of Israel and mankind in religious-moral acts, through which he deliberately leads men, then the life of mankind must have and ultimately great purpose in which the highest thoughts and purposes of god should be realized. become. Such, however, is eschatology in the context of Hebrew religiosity and just as necessary consequences as the unchanging generosity for the religiously minded Greeks. /
 

(3) Passim: One understands how necessary it is to keep the two historical views strictly apart. If they were mixed, they would both be corrupted. That happens twice in the new age, in Hegelianism and in Evolutionism, or in the modern developmental belief, which presented itself as science. The error is the same in both systems: one wants to drive history as a science, but not to be content with the historical facts of the past and to understand them as best as possible as causal effects of past events, but one thinks a happy future as the goal. scientifically create from the past historical facts.”

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(4) Jean-Pierre Vernant, “myth and society in ancient Greece”, Methuen 1982; “In point of fact the resemblances between Greece and China have seemed to some scholars sufficiently striking to point to kind of convergence in their historical development and in the changes of mentality each underwent. Chronology itself suggests such a comparison. The upheavals in their social life which led to their setting up new forms of state occurred at roughly the same period. In both cases the transition was from an archaic stage in which power essentially rested upon religious privileges and was exercised though procedures of a ritualistic type, to more positivist types of state organization and a mentality which can be described as more modern. Vassal relationships and links of personal dependence are destroyed, the importance of the world of the peasants increased and towns developed: the same facts appear to recur for China and for Greece. In both cases these social changes appear to be linked to technical innovations of great importance: iron metallurgy and the use of the mental not only for ‘noble’ objects but also for utilitarian products for general use. There are changes on the military level as well: the peasantry becomes more important, the infantryman takes the place of chariots and horses on the battlefield. Finally, it is during the same period between the Seventh and the third centuries B.C. that the characteristic features of both the Chinese and the Greek cultures emerge.  Flowering of schools produce works which deeply affect the human studies. The range covers the philosophy of nature, moral and political thought, sciences such as mathematics and medicine, and dialectics and logic.

 (5) Passim: It is therefore easy to understand the desire to assimilate the Chinese and Greek data and say that these two peoples underwent analogous historical transformations any differences between them being accounted for by the fact that Greece developed them faster and further. If that were the case the purpose of any comparison would be to determine what obstacles were encountered by the Chinese which prevented them from progressing as fast or so far along the same path, as if there was only one path for human evolution to take, and that was the one taken by the West which today, through technology and science, affect the whole of the rest of the world. Jacques Gernet’s study has shown us that to pose the problem in terms such as these is to make it insoluble at the outset. Greek civilisation is no more the measure of the Chinese than the reverse is true. It is not the Chinese did not get so far as the Greeks; they simply advanced in a different direction. The divergences in their social evolutions and in the orientation of their through are to be valued for they help us to seize upon what is original in each of the two cultures. They set Greek civilisation which are so familiar to us that we take them for granted. What I should like to do, in this study, is consider the nature, scope and origin of these divergences. / There are striking differences even within the similarities that have spread most noticeable to us. We have mentioned iron metallurgy. But in fact we are dealing here with two very different techniques. China was producing cast iron, a technique which the West did not discover until the dawn of modern times. Such metallurgical work requires more complicated methods and investment on a larger scale than anything in Greece. For this reason it was always more or less in the hands or under the control of ht State which made it an instrument of its power. Ion Greece the blacksmith was a small independent producer, operating his workshop to satisfy the needs of the public by selling directly to the customer. / 

(6) Passim: In China the changes in the status of the peasantry resulted the same time from a sweeping transformation of the human environment and from the setting up of vast centralised states. Land clearance leads to the sole cultivation of cereals over extensive areas. The progress made in this type of agriculture is tied t the development of central administration capable of controlling it and setting up large-scale schemes using the power of water. / In Greece, peasant life combines the raising in particular of sheep and goats but also of cattle and horses with agriculture of an increasingly diversified kind. Tree cultivation, which is more lucrative and aimed at overseas trade, develops alongside the production of cereals. Here, agricultural production, organised outside the control of a centralised state, has two purposes: to ensure the subsistence of the family, the oikos, and to sell any surplus on the open market. / So we can see how it was that the advancement of the peasantry followed different course in China and in Greece. In China it was fostered by the ruler who saw the peasant masses as the source of his economic power and military strength provided the source of his economic power and military strength provided he controlled and organised them in their village life as when they were recruited fro the army. In Greece the advancement of the peasantry was liberation not only for the ancient forms of servitude but from any kind of all. It was brought about by the peasants in the rural demos opposing the land-owning aristocracy who lived in the town and controlled the state. It came about through social antagonism, conflicts and confrontations which were much more violent than in China where the power of the new States transformed the old social relationship by gradually absorbing them. 

(7) Passim: Through their own effort the Greek farmers, small peasant owners of a parcel land, were to confiscate all the ancient privileges of the aristocracy to their advantage, making them ‘common property’: these include access to legal and political magistracies, the administration of public affairs, control of the army and even of the culture, with its particular modes of thought and feeling and its particular system of values. This widening and demonstration of the aristocratic culture is one of the features that characterises the Greek civilisation. It explains the persistence of a certain ideal of man, and of certain attitudes: the agonistic spirit, the desire always and every her to prove oneself the best, the scorn for utilitarian and commercial values, the ethic of generosity exalting the concept largesse and the gracious giving of gifts, disinterestedness and, finally and above all, a desire for autonomy, non-servitude of, coupled with a concept that the human utility of a man depends upon his relation to other men. We should note straight away that it is only within such a society in which the concept of the autonomous individual, free from all servitude, has determinate and been confirmed that the legal concept of the slave can by contrast, be clearly defined as an individual deprived of all the right which make a man into citizen. Greece at one stroke invented both the free citizen and the slave, the status of each being defined in relation of the other. Without free citizens there would be no slaves but instead a hierarchy of degrees of importance stretching from the top to the bottom of the social scale, a general state of servitude for which even the king, in his relations with gods or the divine order, is not exempt. / Nothing better illustrates the importance of this aristocratic ideal of autonomy implying an aristocracy [in which power is shared equally by all] than the intellectual significance of the urban phenomenon in Greece.  / 

(8) Passim: The town, which always s constitutes a favourable setting for the flowering of a new mentality, ahs a particular significance in Greece in so far as it is connected with the institutions of the Polis. Mycenaean Greece no doubt produced a kind of palace-city; and archaic Greece had its towns which were inhabited by the nobility as opposed to the countryside which was populated by ‘villeins’ who were responsible for feeding the kaloi kagathoi.But, unlike in China, the classical Greek town did not become the royal administrative centre for a vast rural territory, populated by civil servants, priests and political councillors in the direct service of the sovereign, together with a number of merchants and industrial contractors. In Greece the urban establishment is not opposed to the countryside because the city encompasses any specific political distinction between the two. Peasant and town dwellers enjoy the same right and assume the same responsibilities; they sit in the same assembly and on the same tribunals and together elect the same magistrates. So what is the role of the won as such in the system of the city –state? It provides a centre for and makes a community of the whole territory, or rather of the human group establish their which cultivates it. Essentially, the urban complex comprehends hose buildings which are connected with public belief, what is to say everything which, being common rather than private property concerns the individuals in so far as they are all, equally, citizens; the temples, the buildings set aside for the magistracies, the tribunals, the assemblies, the agora, the theatre and the gymnasiums. Thus, the town is conceived as the centre and gives the social space of the Greeks its uniformity; in relation to this common centre all the citizens occupy positions that are, in a way, symmetrical and reversible. In a city inspired by the ideal of isonomia, power and authority are, as the Greeks put it, placed at the centre, en mesoi, and are not the prerogative of one individual such as the king or of a privileged minority of citizens. 9

(9) Passim: There is a close connection between his political system of the city-state and the new spiritual word of the Greeks of the sixth century. Of course their ideas were bound to change but so long as the city remained alive they were the ideas of men who saw themselves as autonomous and free within the framework of small, independent, communities. Just as, in the city, power belong to everyone, is placed en mesoi [an expression which is significantly reminiscent of a military aristocracy’s way of conducting its wars and dividing up the spoils], so too does culture belong to all; it is placed at the centre, no longer eth privilege of few families or, as in China, or a class of educated men. This democratisation is of course only made possible by alphabetic writing which is no longer the speciality of a class of scribes and which enables al the citizens to learn to read and write. For the rest, by participating in the festivals and going to the theatre, the whole city has access to artistic and literary productions of the highest quality. / This common participation in the culture, paralleled by the common sharing of political authority, has decisive consequences for the evolution of ideas. Henceforward, all the knowledge and intellectual techniques which were hitherto the more or less jealously guarded secret of certain privileged families are fully and publicly revealed. He rules of political life: that it should take place in public, free discussion and reasoned debate, also become the rule in intellectual life truth is no longer derived from mysterious revelation. Doctrines are made public and submitted to criticism and controversy and subject dot a form of reasoned augment. Sacred tales or hieroi logoi now give way to secular demonstration. / 

(10) Passim: We must now consider from a social and intellectual point of view the historical factors which made such a phenomenon possible namely the small size of the groups in which man lived than the dispersed and fragmented character of the population. The demographic scene is of fundamental significance when we compare China and Greece. Because the Greek social unit is a relatively small town, conditions are fulfilled: first, rapid and widespread dissemination of information and communication throughout the entire social body is possible and this favours a system of direct democracy. It is possible to come to political decisions following public debate since each citizen can rapidly be informed al all that is going on. The world of the city had to be small enough for everyone – or almost everyone – to know each other and be able to enter into discussion with everyone else. And what applies to politics also goes for ideas – witness Socrates finding his interlocutors in the agora. / / secondly, the state does not have to direct what we today would call the economy; it does not have to administer the details of agricultural and industrial production or the exchange and circulation of goods. Al this is left to individual houses’ and circulation of goods. Indeed, this is the true meaning of the Greek word oikonomia. The state only becomes involved when it needs money or materials for the particular ends which are its concern. Its true domain is politics, that is to say the interplay of relations of ruling and submitting to rule between citizens, and the links of domination and submission between different states. Politics, for the city, consist essentially in organising the methods of exercising power. They revolve entirely around the concept of ‘power’. Within the city how can power be balanced so that all the citizens exercise it in common? And, in its relations with the outside world, how can the city strengthen its power so as to remain always sovereign mistress of itself and affirm its own supremacy over its rivals? / 

(11) Passim: power is perhaps one the key concepts in our understanding of Greek though. André G. Haudicourt once contracted the mentality of peoples composed of herdsmen and sailors like the Greeks with that of ‘gardening’ peoples such as the Chinese. He suggested that the domestication of animals led the herding peoples to conceive the action of a man upon his fellows – in particular the power of a king over his subjects – on the model of the relationship of the shepherd to his flocks, that is or say as a form of direct and compelling intervention. IN contrast, gardening peoples take ‘indirect and negative action’ as their model for human relations. For them the best authority – that is, that which conforms most closely with the natural order – is that which, being immaterial things, never need to intervene. It is, at all events, noticeable that, when not drawing on images taken from the field of navigation, Greek political terminology draws on the experience of the herdsman. The power of the leader over those whom he direct is represented as a constraining action in which the inferior is bent beneath the yoke of the stronger and forced to submit to being guided and trained the shepherd trains and guides his flock with his crook, by virtue of his superior power of ‘domination’. This image of the leader, seen as an agent intervening directly from without to impose compulsion upon his subjects is deeply rooted in religion. The Greek gods form, as it were, a society of Powers who are both competitive and at the same time mutually supporting. The gods are agents possessed of a superior strength to which men must submit. Among these gods Zeus proves himself to be, on his own, stronger than all the others put together. Kratos and Bia, brutal domination and compelling violence who flank Zeus’ throne, never leave the side of the sovereign of the gods.”

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(12) Ian Morris, “Why the West rules for now – The patterns of history and what they revealed about the future”, Profile Books 2010; ”The Shang state had been a loose collection of allies who sent turtles and horses to Anyang and sometimes showed up for wars; and when King Wu overthrew the Shang in 1046 BCE his Zhou state was perhaps even looser. Wu did not annex the Shang kingdom, because he had no one to run it. He simply put a puppet king over the Shang and went home to the Wei Valley. / This is a cheap way to control former enemies when it works, but in this case sibling rivalry, a perennial problem in low-end organization, soon undid it. Wu could not rely on his family to do what he wanted. He died in 1043 BCE leaving behind three brothers and a son. According to the Zhou dynasty’s official version, written of course by the winners, Wu’s son Chang was too young to rule, so the duke of Zhou, Wu’s younger brother, loyally agreed to serve as regent[many historian think the duke actual launched a coup]. King Wu’s two elder brothers reacted by joining forces with the remnants of the Shang regime to resist the duke. / In 1041 BCE the Duke of Zhou won this civil war and killed his elder brother, but he realize he could neither rule the Shang as cheaply as Wu had hoped nor leave them to plot against him. He came up with a brilliant low-end solution: he would send members of the Zhou royal clan to set up virtually independent city-states along the Yellow River valley [between twenty-six and seventy-three of them, depending on which ancient author we believe.]. These cities did not pay taxes to him, but he did not have to pay them to be there either. /

(13) Passim: The Zhou kingdom really was a family business – one that ad much in common with that most famous of family businesses, the Mafia. The king, effectively the Zhou family’s capo di tutti capi, lived off huge estates in the Plain of Zhou, running them with a rudimentary bureaucracy, while his subsidiary rulers – ‘made men’, in the Mob’s terms- lived in their own fortified cites. When the king called on them, these lords provided him with muscle, showing up with chariots and troops so the king could shake down his enemies. When the fighting was over the mobsters shared the plunder and went home. Everyone was happy [except the plundered enemies]. / Like bosses in la cosa nostra, Zhou kings offered emotion as well as material incentives to keep their captains loyal. In fact, they invested heavily in legitimacy, which is often the only thing that separates kings from gangsters. They convinced the subsidiary rules that the king – as head of the family, master of divination and the ancestrocult, and the contact point between this and the divine word – had a right to call on them. ….. 

(14) Passim: While it worked the Zhou racket was highly effective, Kings mobilized quit large armies [hundreds of chariots by the ninth century BCE] and won general agreement that the ancestors wanted them to squeeze protection money from ‘barbarian enemies’ who surrounded the Zhou world. Farmers within the Zhou realm, increasingly safe from attack, worked their fields and fed growth in cities. Instead of taxing the farmers, the lords extracted labour dues. In theory, fields were laid out in three-by-three grids. Like tic-tac-toe boards, with eights families working the outer fields for themselves and taking turns to work the ninth field, in the middle, for their lord. Reality was doubtless messier, but the combination of peasant labour, plunder, and extortion made the elite rich. They buried one another in spectacular tombs, and while they sacrificed fewer people than the Shang aristocrats, they buried far more chariots. They cast and inscribed astounding numbers of bonze vessels [some thirteen thousand examples have been excavated and published], and although writing remained an elite tool, it spread beyond its narrow Shang-era uses. / The system had one weakness, however; it depended on a steady diet of victories. The rulers delivered for nearly a century, but in 957 BCE King Zhao failed. Failure was not something anyone wanted to write down, so all we know about it comes from a throwaway comment in the Bamboo Annals; a chronicle buried in tomb in 296 BCE and rediscovered when the tomb was plundered nearly six centuries later. It says that two great lords followed King Zhao against Chu, a region south of the Zhou realm. ‘The heaves were dark and tempestuous’, says the chronicler. ‘Pheasants and hares were terrified. The king’s six armies perished in the River. Han. The king died.’ /

(15) Passim:  Al at once the Zhou lost their army, their king and the mystique of the mandate of heaven. Maybe, the lords apparently concluded, the Zhou were not so virtuous after all. Their problems compounded; after 950 BCE inscriptions on bronze vessels found at the eastern end of the Yellow River stop professing loyalty to the Zhou, and as the kings struggled to keep these vassals in line they lost control of ‘barbarian enemies’ in the West, who began threatening the Zhou cities. / With the supply of newly conquered territories running low, elite conflict over land apparently increased. Faced with a meltdown in his low-end state, King Mu turned toward higher-cost solution by buildings up a bureaucracy after 950 BCE. Some Zhou kings [we aren’t sure which ones] then sued their administrators to transfer land between families, perhaps to reward loyalty and punish betrayal, but the aristocracy pushed back. Piecing together the story from brief accounts on bronze vessels, it sounds like someone deposed King Yih in 885 BC, only for the ‘many lords’ to restore him; and then Yih went to war with the greatest of these lords. Marquis Ai of Qi, boiling him alive in a bronze cauldron in 863. In 842 the ‘many lords’ struck back, an king Li, like some Mob boss going to the mattresses as treacherous captains try to take him out, fled into exile. /

(16) Passim: At the other end of Eurasia, Western kings were also building low-end state in the tent and ninth centuries BEC. How the Western core pulled out of its post-1200 BCE slump is almost as unclear as how the slump began, but the inventiveness born of desperation probably played a part. The collapse of long-distance trade had force people to fall back on local resources, but some vital goods – above all tin, essential for making bronze – were just not available in many places. Westerners therefore learned to use iron instead. Smith on Cyprus, which had long been home to the world’s most advanced metallurgy had already figured out before 120BCEhow to extract a serviceable metal from the ugly red and black iron ores that crop up all around the Mediterranean, but so long as bronze was available iron remained merely a novelty item. The drying up of the tin supply changed all that, making it iron or nothing and by 1000 BCE the new, cheap metal was in use from Greece to what is now Israel. / Back in the 1940s Gordon Childe, one of the giants of European archaeology, suggested, ‘Cheap iron democratized agriculture and industry and warfare too’.”

Waarden, Leer van, Feodalisme

(1) Ricceur, “La métaphore vive”, Éditions du Seuil 1975; “The testimony of the Thomistic analogy is invaluable in this regard. Its explicit aim is to give Thomism a scientific basis and thus to withdraw completely from the poetic forms of religious discourse, even at the cost of a rupture between the science of god and the hermeneutical bibliography. / And yet the problem is much more complex than that of Aristotle's regulated diversity of categories. It concerns the possibility to talk rationally about the possibility of god the creator in the Judeo-Christian tradition. The challenge, therefore, is to extend the problem of the analogy generated by the notion of being to the question of the divine names. The new use of the concept of analogy can be justified by the parallelism of the initial situations in the discourse. On both sides, the problem is indeed to find a middle way between two impossibilities. For Aristotle, confronted with the problems of being, the difficulty was the problem of escaping the alternative between the generic unity of being and the pure dissimilation and simplicity of meaning; the reference to a main term is seen as a moderate solution. Now the theological alternative encounters a similar discourse, to advance a discourse common to good and its creatures would destroy divine transcendence; To assume a total incompatibility of meanings from one level to another would, on the other hand, doom oneself to a total agnosticism.
(2) Passim: It therefore seemed reasonable to introduce the concept of analogy into theology, thanks to the invention, following Aristotle, of a third modality of attribution, the analogous attribution, equidistant from the unambiguous attribution and the ambiguous attribution. The doctrine of the analogy of being was born from the ambition to embrace in a single doctrine the horizontal relationship of categories to substance and the vertical relationship of things created by the creator. / We need not trace the history of the concept of d'analogia entis. We simply want to recapture and motivate the semantic purpose of the thinking that crystallized in the debate on scholasticism that, when it seems to border on metaphorical expressions, mainly through a return of participation of Platonic and Neo-Platonic inspiration , widens a new gap between speculative discourse and poetic discourse. / What remains remarkable indeed, for us who come after the Kantian critique of this kind of ontology, is the way in which the thinker behaves in relation to his own problems, in relation to his own solution. In part, in fact, the Aristotelian solution to the problem is categorical and broad-based. On the other hand, its application in the theological domain collides with the great obstacles that perpetuate the concept of analogy itself again and subject it to new distinctions, expressing the thinking whose purpose is so important to us. /
(3) Passim: The main source of all the difficulties lies in the problem of supporting analogous predictions with a participatory ontology. The analogy, in fact, moves in the realm of names and sources, it is of conceptual order. But the condition of possibility lies elsewhere, in the very communication of being. Participation is the generic name given to the ensemble of solutions proposed for the problem. To participate is to have, approximately, a portion of what another fully possesses or is. From then on, the struggle for an adequate account of the analogy is supported by the struggle for an adequate account of participation. However, arguing that Aristotle was against Platonism, participation does not mark the return of physics to poetry, through an embarrassing use of the metaphor. But exactly Saint Thomas did not stop at the solution of the problems that it came close to the Platonic example adopted in Book I of the Sentences, under the influence of Albert the Great. Indeed, two priorities are distinguished: in addition to the order of priority [prius et posterius] found in the series: being, substance and accident, it is necessary to confess an order of descent [a primo ente descendit] and iitiation [ens primum imitatur ] according to which one receives esse et rationem from the other [Prologue, Chapter 1, Article 2].
(4) Passim: Distinguishing from this, Article XXXV specifies that: "There is a similar analogy [than the order of precedence] when a term imitates an object as closely as possible, but does not match it perfectly, and we find this analogy between god and creatures. We must certainly understand the reason for this recourse to exemplary cases, it makes it possible to dispense with a general term, which would make god and the creatures recede.” Between god and creatures there is no resemblance by anything in common, as Dennis says this. “But by imitation, by which we say that the creature resembles god, but not vice versa: this does not imply, therefore, a common form unequally possessed; The diminished image provides an imperfect and inadequate representation of the radically heterogeneous copy. Theological discourse loses all support in the categorical category of being. If Saint Thomas did not stop at this solution, it was for opposing reasons which in turn had to be developed further. Direct resemblance is still too close a relation with univocity, on the other hand, exemplary causality, by its formal nature, must be made unsuitable for the causality underlying the communication underlying the analogous contribution. The development of being as an act then becomes the ontological cornerstone for the theory of analogy.
(5) Passim:  But St. Thomas first had to test, in the time of De Veritate, a distinction between two analogies of fate, both of which would probably fall within the Aristotelian analogy. This distinction is that of the proportion and the proportionality, taken from the Latin translation of Euclid, chapters 3 and 5. The proportion relates two quantities of the same kind, by a direct relation of one to the other, the the value of one in itself determines the nature of the other [for example, a number and its double]. But Saint Thomas does not limit this first type of analogy to the order of magnitude, like the proportionality. It extends the proportion to any relation consisting of a certain distance [determinanta distanceia]; and a strict link [determined habitudo]; That is why one can relate to the proportions as the relation of reference to a major tere, as in the example of health, and therefore the categorical relation of accidents to substance. Most importantly, the report is real and defined. The proportionlisatis, on the other hand, has no direct relationship between two terms; It all forms a door without two direct relation between two terms, it establishes on its element a similituro proportionum, a resemblance relation [for example 6 is 3 and 4 is like 2 etc.]. But, just as the proportion is not just mathematical, proportionalista is a likeness in relations between any terms; So it will be said that intellect is to the soul what seeing is to the body. Now the infinite resemblance: finiti ad infinitum nulla est proportionio. It is the proportional similarity that does not establish a fixed relationship between the finiteness and the non-absence of a relationship. It is still possible to say: what the finite is to the finite, the infinite is to the infinite. Let's write out: divine science is to god what human science is to creation. /
(6) Passim: Thus, exemplary causality, for over which comes under the notion of proportion, still implies a direct suppressed relation of the infinite distance that separates beings from god. On the other hand, proportionality does not do justice to communication because creative causality makes us think. The formalism of proportionality impoverishes the rich and complex network that circulates between participation, network and analogy. / The task is therefore immense. The record of participation is to be understood as not containing any prior ground, with an unequivocal attribution of recognition to god or other creatures. We must also take into account the proportion creaturae, which always exists between the effect and the cause, to give such meaning as to be incompatible with the disproportion between the finite and the infinite. Finally, we must see the distance between the finite and the infinite as a simple inequality, without joining this idea, which is only essential, as an outwardly directed spatiality, which is moreover excluded by the immanent of divine causality. is to make sense of all these demands that in the works after De Veritate, and especially in the two Summa, being is conceived less as form than as action, in the sense of Actus Essendi. Causality is then no longer the resemblance of the design to the model, but the communication of the act. The act is both what the effect has in common with the cause and what it does not identify with it. / It is therefore the creative causality that establishes between god and beings the participation that makes the relation of analogy practically possible. /
(6) Passim: But what analogy? The works after De Veritate propose a new fate of division within the concept of analogy, which does not fall back on the concept before De Veritate. In fact, the new break does not go between the horizontal analogy governed by the set of categories. And the vertical analogy that rules the hierarchy of the divine and created. On the contrary, it opposes the two categories to order the diversity, two ways that apply indifferently to the horizontal and vertical analogy. We read the first analogy in the Potentia, book 7, article 6, so quantity and quality relate to each other, as they also relate to content. That is not how god and what he created relate to being. The second analogy is that of a choice between one and the other [unius ad alteram, or further ipsorum ad unum]. The accidents are therefore directly related to the substance. It is the way being is created by the state of the divine. The analogy goes directly back to the ensemble of secondary analogies by the principal analogy, without anything that can establish itself as a common genre precedes god. At the same time, this condition will be reduced from the most outstanding to the least worthy, in an asymmetrical order of perfection. This is the mode of communion that is midway between communion and unity. /
(7) Passim: Thus, the two parts of the analogue were brought back together, at the cost of a definitive correction of its definition. // But the new price to be paid was heavier than ever: to the extent that formal thinking more satisfied the formal requirements of proportionality - itself made problematic by its extrapolation outside the formal mathematical domain -, one was forced to accept the diversity of associating names and concepts with a principle of order inherent in the domain itself. And for the synthesis of unity and diversity required to convert discourse into the required causality. In short, we must regard causality itself as analogous. If, in fact, we can consider god as human. Then it is in despair of the creature's relationship with god, its principle is its origin, in which all perfect protrudes before being, the distinctions between unity, equality and analogy are transferred from the level of significance to that of effectiveness. If the causality were unique, it would all generate itself: If it were merely unambiguous, the effect would no longer be the same as its agent. The cause of the heterogeneity is now the same as that of the cause of the analogy. It is this structure of reality that, in the final analysis, prevents the appearance from falling apart. The similarity of causality resists the spread of the logical classes which, on the borderline, would enforce silence in the play of language and being, when speech is about to succumb to silence, under the weight of heterogeneity and of the beings. Being itself revives et-speak, thanks to the underground continuity that gives speech an analogous extension of its meaning. But at the same time, analogy and participation are placed in a mirror relationship, a conceptual and real unity, being a precise response to each other.
(8) Passim: It is this circle of analogy and participation that would give way under the pressure of criticism. Not that the semantic purpose that had fueled the search for an increasingly adequate concept of analogy has now been denied. It is on the physical level, precisely where the questionable cause of the analogy spoke helps, that the circular reality has been broken, under the combined strokes of Galilean physics and Humian critique. After this break from which Kantian philosophy draws all its consequences, there is still a need to reflect on the conceptual unity capable of embracing the ordered diversity of meanings and being. / In any case, the struggle for an increasingly adequate concept of analogy remains exemplary on one point: its refusal to compromise with poetic discourse. This refusal is expressed in the desire to always mark the difference between analogy and metaphor. For my part, in this concern I see the distinguishing feature of the semantic purpose of speculative discourse. Doesn't the use of participation mean returning to the metaphor? The text of the Potentia, Book 7, Articles 6 and 7, mentioned above, he does not say 'that the very form in which the creature participates is inferior to his reason which is god, as the heat of fire is inferior to that from the sun, without which the fire cannot produce heat. / And put not the summa [Book 1, chapter 13, article 5] "So the sun, by its singular and simple virtue, gives rise to varied and manifold forms of existence. In the same ways, ... the perfection of all the choices that one finds, in the creatures, divided and multiplying, already exists in god in the unity and in simplicity." / Oh! The sun, Oh! The fire! The heliotrope is not far, where each trope is denounced by resemblance! /
(9) Passim: It is precisely at the place of closest proximity that the line must be drawn between analogy and metaphor. When exactly does the analogy come closest to the metaphor? When it is defined as proportionality. But it is precisely this, which, in turn, "happens in two different ways" [dupliciter contingit] [De Veritate, Chapter 2, Article 11]. On the one hand, the assignment is all symbolic, on the other hand, it is duly transcendental. In the symbolic assignment [quae symbolice de Deo dicuntur] god is called lion, sun, etc.; in the expressions, "the name bears something of the chief significance" and, with it, a "matter," "which cannot be ascribed to god." Only, on the other hand, transcendentals as being, the good, the true, allow a definition without "defect," independent of matter as to their essence. So in the era of the analogy of proportionality, the analogic attribution is not only unambiguous, ie. generic; it also introduces two cuts in the analog field: the side of the state of proportionality, so that it has something in common that could preserve and envelop God and man, and the side of symbolism, which is of interest to some of the main meanings attributed to god. That is the asceticism of the denomination, which is attributed to god. /

 

 

() Passim: This purism of the analogy does not weaken when the communication of the deed restores the ontological continuity that threatened to destroy the proportionality relation. The question of metaphor is addressed head-on in the Summa Theologica [Book 1a, Chapter 13, Article 6] by asking the question, "Are the same names assigned to the creature in reverence than to god?" The answer distinguishes two orders of priority , a priority according to the thing itself, that according to the best of our knowledge, the creatures, so to speak. The proper analogy is determined by the first priority, the metaphor by the second: “All names given by creatures take precedence over creatures; For, applied to god, these names mean nothing but a likeness to this and that creature.” The metaphor, in fact, is a response to “the likeness of proportions”; its structure is the same as the poetic discourse and in the biblical discourse. The examples given prove it: to call a meadow "laughing" and god a "lion" is to resort to the same kind of transmutation: this meadow is as old as it blooms, as a man laughs. Likewise, "God uses sense power in sense honor, like the lion in the plain." In the second case, the meaning of the names is the borrowing of a field procedure. On the other hand, it is preferable to use the name of god, not that of the creature, when it comes to names that focus on the essence: kindness, wisdom. The division is thus not between poetry and Biblical language, but between these two discourse and theological discourse. In the latter case, the order of the matter prevails over the order of meanings. /

(10) Passim: Thus there arises an interweaving of the two predictive modalities, which at a certain point, that of the prescribing of divine names, illustrates the composition of Aristotelian reason with the intellectus fidei in the doctrine of St. Thomas.”

Vroege tribuutheffers, Hittieten

(1) Sabatino Moscati., The face of the ancient orient– A panorama of Near Eastern Civilization in Pre-classical Times”, Doubleday Anchor 1962; “The first nucleus of Hittite organized life is the mountain stronghold, surround by a wall, to which a gateway with double entry give access without breaking the line of defence. The stronghold develops into a city with temples and palaces: the principal centres of Hittite civilization were formerly fortresses.”

Militair, Byzantium, Algemeen

(1) Adrian Goldsworty, “In the name of Rome – The men who won the Roman Empire”, Orion 2004; “As the style and level of warfare changed, so did the essential character of the Roman army. Belisarius was held to be a fairly strict commander, and yet the troops under the command were repeatedly guilty of indiscipline, pressuring him into fighting against his better Judgment at Callinicum and Rome, and running wild after their success in Africa. Mutiny was nothing new in the roman army, having been comparatively common even under the Republic, but the truculent and almost routine disobedience of soldiers in the sixth century had rarely, if ever been marched in the past, even during the confusion of civil wars. The literally ideal of the great commander who imposed strict discipline on slack soldiers no longer features in late antiquity, for much of the army’s formal system of regulations and punishment had vanished. Military theory still stressed the importance of keeping solders well drilled, be it in practice only a small proportion of units – often including the bucellarii of a capable leader – came anywhere near this ideal. As armies grew larger by the standards of the day, the probability increased that a significant number of soldiers would prove extremely unreliable. Centuries of making and breaking emperors had left. Roman soldiers unwilling to accept tight discipline, and attempt to restrict their behaviour prompted complaints, outright mutiny or desertion. /

 

(2) Passim: There is a strongly medieval feel to the campaigns of Belisarius for almost a thousand years European warfare could be characterized by relatively small armies, of en including a fair proportion of infantry levies whose military value was negligible and mercenaries or allies whose loyalty was sometimes uncertain. The most effective troops were usually the well armed and mounted retainers of kings or noblemen. Warfare was dominated by fortified positions form which raid could be launched and most of the fighting was small-scale. Sometimes such strongholds would suffer siege, but rarely did pitched battles occur. Even the greatest kingdoms of the period were incapable of supporting military forces in any way resembled the well-equipped, organized and disciplined Roman Army of the Late Republic or Principate. Such an army was simply too expensive, and had anyway often proved, even for Rome, a difficult thing to control For several centuries the Byzantine army preserved in its ritual and language some traces of the old army. But in most important respects it was a very different institution. In the west the army vanishes with the collapse of empire, whilst in the East it changed into something else. As the old army of the legions disappeared, with it went the imperator. The Roman general with his distinctive style of command.”

Vergelijkende filosofie, Griekse en Chinese

(1) Jean-Pierre Vernant, “myth and society in ancient Greece”, Methuen 1982; “Whatever religious element the sovereign power retain was seen as part of the order of nature deities. To the educated classes Heaven was no longer a deity, as hit has been in the archaic period but rather an expression of the cosmic order. Critics who relied on historical explanations were determined to purge the ancient myths of all that might seem strange and contrary to the accepted mores, and transformed them into nothing more than historical events. There were no more personal, creator gods; these were replaced by historical Sages and impersonal religious forces. The rituals which in the seventh century were no more than forms of court etiquette now became universal procedures whose purpose was to ensure the internal order of society as a whole [for, according to the moralists laws could only maintain the road in an  external and artificial manner]. This explains he importance given to example, education and culture. / The so-called ‘Chinese philosophers’ pursued many different lines of thought. However, between the fifth and third centuries B.C. the Chinese world inclined toward a type of thought which could be described as ‘organicist’. It is rational thought, in its way, since its terms of reference apply to a human and social order and to a cosmic one both of which are embodiment of any individualised power. / Nevertheless, this thought had its own particular framework and themes. It was concerned with questions which, at least until quite recently, attracted little or no interest in the west so it would be fruitless to expect it to manifest those philosophical preoccupations which dominate the western tradition, and unjust to use our own categories when analysing it./ 

(2) Passim: Mencius [end of the fourth and begin of the third centuries] makes a distinction between the mind [the ‘heart’ or set of the intelligence] and the senses [the ‘ears and eyes’]. But we should be quite wrong to interpret this in terms of our own, familiar opposition. On close analysis it becomes clear that this distinction rests upon another: that between the productive and the administrative function. Mencius is simply expressing a dualist hierarchy of complementary grades and values. Indeed the radical opposite so characteristic for Greek thought between the sensible world and the insensible, is totally unfamiliar to the Chinese writers before the empire. No doubt they would have rejected it emphatically as artificial. / Similarly, the distinction, so important in our eyes between positivist and a religious attitude does not appear to have preoccupied the Chinese. The opposition does not appear in the same form in the Greek and Chinese worlds. The first emperor of china unified the administrative system of the new empire, in 221 .C. But we should be aware of regarding this simply as a positivist action to be explained purely in terms of the practical need of the administration. Another powerful and, to our way of seeing it, irrational idea is also detectable her; that it is the emperor’s own genius, his own personal ‘virtue’ that is diffused though the world and brings it order. There were thus ritualistic and religious aspects to the system and without these aspects the administrative action would undoubtedly have lost its essential significance and efficacy. The Chinese authors of the three centuries before the empire were not engaged in a quest for the Truth, the non-changing and non-contradictory. Whe should like, in passing, to point out that in China there were linguistic obstacles, quite apart from anything else, to the development of a philosophy of being and to the elaboration of logic. Chinese thought took a quite different path: towards a more precise analyse of the factors ordering the social and the cosmic spheres. / 

(3) Passim: In the work of the ‘Chinese philosophers’ we often find the idea that action can be efficacious only if it conforms with the constant tendencies of man or the forces of nature, only if it exploits these natural inclinations to minimise the efforts required for maxim effects. This is one of ht major themes of Chinese fourth- and third-century thought. It is easy to see what concept of society and nature is implied by such a philosophy: order can never result from the external intervention of a power of command nor from an arbitrary authoritarian division of functions and powers for from a balance dependent upon an agreement reached between antagonistic forces. In short, it cannot proceed from anything this arbitrary. The activity of the sovereign is similar to that of their farmer who dos no more than encourage the grot of his pants and in no way intervenes in the process of germination and growth. He acts in accordance with the orders of Heaven [t’ien] and identifies himself with it. The principle of order is to be found only in the things that are. I cannot but be imminent in the world. / The concepts of influence, of patterns, of spontaneity and of modes of beginning carry more weight than that of law. This may explain why the Chinese paid more attention precisely those areas of physics that were neglected by Greek science and its heirs. They preferred to concern themselves with the study and interpretation of the phenomena of magnetism and vibration, tired and sonic and seismic waves. In music they appear to have been particularly interested in the tonal quality of difference instruments and in ways to construct accurate models of chimes were as the Greeks denied the musical scale geometrically. / 

(4) Passim: How should we explain these fundamental differences in orientation? IN our view history may provide the beginnings of an explanation. In China, there was no violent crisis of confrontation between the demos and the aristocracy leading to a radical change in the political constitution and a revaluation of the whole past, but rather an evolution which, despite its great whole past, but rather an evolution which, despite its great scope and the progress it made towards rationality, allowed accommodation and compromise. In China, there was nothing that can be compared with radical separation with the world of men and the old gods which was the first necessary step toward the birth of Greek rationality. In this respect one could say that Chinese thought before the empire both fall short of and goes beyond such a distinction;  it goes beyond it in the sense that Greek gods and myths would have considered as puerile inventions by the Chinese [in just the same way s the Christian myths were, later on]. But it also falls to separate the ritual sphere from the positivist or the cosmic to develop in China because the Chinese had already naturalised the divine and thus closed the west to developing any form of transcendental thought. / 

(5) Passim: In short, a historical approach makes it possible to glimpse the quite surprising links between a people’s thought and its political institutions. Chinese rationality which was, in its own way, just as much the fruit of original human experience, maybe different from Greek rationality but does that necessarily mean that it represents an inferior stage in the evolution of the human minds ? To make such a claim would be to set up as a norm one specific type of thought and to condemn as misguided and destroy any attempt to uncover a universal rationality which falls outside the particular methods adopted by the western world.”

Geschiedenis, 20/21e eeuw, Algemeen

(1) Div., “Manifest – Krant van de Nieuwe Communistische Partij” 9 juni,  HOC 2022  - Andrea Sörensen, “Communistische Partij van Zweden [SKP] over de NAVO “; “Since Lenin's time, capitalism has taken all sorts of twists, turns, and even detours, but the destination has always remained the same: the exploitation of labor for profit, wherever there are workers and resources. The evolution, concentration, growth and uneven development of capitalism are necessary conditions for imperialism. Imperialism does not respect social or political boundaries. // Lenin's book on imperialism summarizes the features of modern (monopoly) capitalism. But many seem to miss most of the title, "as the highest stage of imperialism." They do not realize that Lenin is describing and explaining a certain stage of capitalism. He is not talking about certain characteristics of individual countries. He describes a historical period, a period in which capital in its mature and financially organized monopoly form comes to dominate the whole world, thanks to the conquests of the great powers. In Lenin's words: “It must be said that the characteristic of the period referred to is the final division of the world. Definitely not in the sense that redistribution would not be possible - on the contrary, redistributions are possible and inevitable - but in the sense that the colonial policy of the capitalist countries has ended the incorporation of unoccupied areas on our planet. For the first time, the world now appears to be completely divided, so that further only redistribution awaits…” (p. 75). As Marx's method requires, Lenin focuses on processes, tendencies. And in this case on the tendency towards capital domination of not only nation-states and regions but of the whole world. It is this completion or redistribution that defines imperialism as a historical era. It is a process that creates ever-changing alliances and blocs through competition. It amounts to a fierce competition that crosses national borders and which can ultimately only be settled through weapons and war. 
(2) Passim: These processes, which Lenin associates with imperialism, take place unevenly and in different forms. After the Bolshevik revolution, the dominance of monopoly capitalism was interrupted by the existence of the Soviet Union. This led to an anti-communist crusade by the major capitalist powers, but the underlying process remained the same: every worker and peasant must come into the grip of monopoly and finance capital. // After the Second World War, the growing power and influence of socialism determined the liberation of almost all former colonies from the clutches of the great powers. New "independent" countries emerged in Asia and Africa. But the underlying tendency that Lenin had recognized again expressed itself in a new expression of imperialism: neo-colonialism. // Through this neo-colonialism, the dominant powers were able to retain their old economic advantages, but they no longer had to bear the burden of occupation and governance. The world was divided into "spheres of influence," a more friendly term coined in the 19th century to summarize the capitalist tendency to invade every nook and cranny of the world. This masked the raw submission that the concept of 'colonialism' entailed. Thus a dependent “independence” was created, based more on economic necessity than on brute force. // With the fall of the Soviet Union, the most viable economic system for independent development outside the imperialist system was eliminated. Western commentators hailed the prospect of unfettered and capitalist penetration in all countries, without exception. Huge labor markets (Eastern Europe and Asia) now fell within the capitalist system, drastically reducing the cost of goods, services and especially labor. // Capitalism got the wind in its sails again, resulting in a sharp rise in economic growth rates and profit rates. // With haste haste, the capitalists opened new markets. They removed barriers to trade, accelerated their foreign investment and ensured reciprocity in a way they had not experienced since the early decades of modern imperialism. Indeed, for many Marxists, the last decades of the 20th century resembled that earlier period of classical imperialism. 
(3) Passim: Ironically, capitalist triumphalism confirmed the timelessness of Lenin's theory of imperialism. Once again, the world economy was dominated by the assembled superpowers in search of economic benefits (exploitation) and spheres of influence. // Like Britain at the height of its power in the 19th century, the United States now claimed the right to determine the terms of economic activity and trade worldwide. A period of cooperation and peace was predicted. It was assumed that the mutual capitalist economic ties and interdependence would strengthen social and political ties and that international relations would now be settled. A new world order in which everyone would be happy and which was guarded by the US. // The small group of people in the West who were familiar with early 20th-century Marxist revisionism noted that this fantasy was remarkably similar to Karl Kautsky's theory of "ultra-imperialism." This amounted to the fact that the great powers would divide the world and settle all matters among themselves, without friction or conflict. // Lenin had poked fun at this idea a long time ago. When he wrote "Imperialism" in 1916, he had already seen how the catastrophe of the First World War had disproved the idea of ​​a stable imperialism or an imperialist equilibrium. // Most of the Western non-Communist left-wing movement, which had become alienated from Leninism and thus failed to see its historical parallels, did not know how to interpret this "new" post-Soviet era. They did not come up with the idea of ​​connecting it with the classical imperialism already described by Lenin and his allies. Lacking a theory, they came up with the empty term "globalization" to describe the victory party of monopoly capital. 
(4) Passim: Post-Marxist, post-Fordist, and postmodernist theories arose in abundance. Some academic "Marxists" thought that the end of the 20th century ushered in the era of the disappearance of the nation-state. Others actually predicted the emergence of a "suprastate," a Star Wars-esque all-encompassing "Empire." // The capitalist victory party came to an abrupt end with the return of constant, almost endless wars and frequent political and economic crises. The "benign" imperialism disappeared and the left-wing utopian ideas faded. // In the wake of the 2007-2009 crisis, world trade shrank. Tensions between the capitalist countries increased. Who would win and who would bear the brunt of a sluggish or stagnant global economy? The European Union became subject to centrifugal forces and divisions arose between the northern and southern member states. //European politics is dominated by Germany, which imposes uniform austerity policies on several countries with uneven development. // China's spectacular rise and impressive growth in the global capitalist economy threatens US hegemony, fueling competition and tensions. // Also through wars by other means (sanctions, boycotts and trade tariffs) the US strives to suppress independent developments, outside the global power structure. And in a most tenacious manner, the US continues to use its coup or war machinery to force fugitives back into US imperialist lines. 
(5) Passim: Since Lenin's time, new superpowers have arisen, or they have changed positions. Despite disagreements between member states, the EU has, under the auspices of the US and NATO, raked in an imperialist agenda, as evidenced by the European contribution to the dismantling of Yugoslavia and the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria. // Saudi Arabia, swimming in petrodollars, is trying to impose its will on its neighbors, as is evident in the bloody war in Yemen. Even tiny Israel is participating in the imperialist race by annexing territory from its neighbors and from the Palestinian people. // Where there is capitalism, there is a drive for territory, resources, labor or influence. - As in Lenin's time, countries play a different role in this cauldron: sometimes that of great powers, sometimes that of lesser powers or that of victims. As a result of competition – the promotion or protection of economic interests – the water boils. // In 'Imperialism' Lenin does not unreservedly characterize countries as 'imperialist'. That would contradict his consistent ideas about the uneven development of different countries. In Chapter VI, "The Division of the World Between the Great Powers," he simply describes the countries (the big six!) that have been most active in acquiring colonies between 1876 and 1914. / He may appear to be establishing an imperialist hierarchy with this, but this can be misleading. Lenin, always alert to historical contingencies and shifting social forces, goes to great lengths to describe the differences between the great powers: “Yet considerable differences remain. Among the six countries mentioned, we find, on the one hand, young countries which are progressing exceptionally fast (America, Germany and Japan); on the other, countries with an old capitalist development (France and England) which have recently progressed much more slowly than the former. Furthermore, the economically most backward country (Russia), where the latest capitalist imperialism is, as it were, wrapped in a particularly dense net of pre-capitalist relations” (p. 81). // 
(6) Passim: Lenin leaves no doubt that a country (tsarist Russia) can be a major player in the imperialist race for colonies (or spheres of influence), while remaining a less than robust capitalist country with remnants of, or future other (non- capitalist) economic structures or characteristics. // In other words, their place in the imperialist system is not strictly determined by their place in the capitalist hierarchy. They can be a bright young capitalist star or a decadent old star. A star who clings to a glittering past but still plays a decisive role in the imperialist game. // It would be wrong, as has been argued, to automatically regard Lenin's "Five Fundamental Characteristics" of Chapter VII as admission requirements for some sort of imperialist club. It could not be clearer that "Imperialism as a special stage of capitalism" is not about the position of individual countries in the imperialist system, but about imperialism as a whole. // The concentration of capital, the interweaving of banking and industrial capital, international monopolies and the territorial division of the world (spheres of influence) are features of the imperialist stage of capitalism, and not necessarily of an individual country in the imperialist project. 
(7) Passim: Countries – small or large, developed or backward, privileged or impoverished – play different roles in the advance of imperialism at different times. // Whether it is tsarist Russia (a mishmash of increasing capitalist relations in the city versus still almost feudal relations in the countryside) or Putin's Russia (a stunted industrial capitalist economy, but with huge resources of raw materials) does not matter. The ability to engage in the pursuits of the great powers, increasing and protecting the spheres of influence so as to confront other great powers, is an undeniable reality. // To disguise this reality (active participation in the conflict with other capitalist countries) by arguing that Russia does not meet the "five fundamental characteristics" of the imperialist era is therefore a fallacy. // Lenin is clear. Apart from the great powers, there are a large number of countries whose participation in the imperialist system is complex. The dialectic of unequal development does not produce ideal types. // Lenin is talking about the smaller players in the imperialist system who have different proportions to imperialism. Some of them have their own colonies, but these small states keep their colonies "only owing to the fact that there are contradictions, differences of opinion, etc. between the great powers, which prevent them from agreeing on the division of the spoils" (p. 81). // He also distinguishes 'semi-colonial states' such as Persia, China and Turkey. Countries that were nominally independent in his time, but meanwhile were thoroughly exploited by the great powers. He calls these countries 'transitional forms that we encounter in nature and in society everywhere.' They are 'intermediate forms' (p. 81). Today, all three have grown into major players in the capitalist world.
(8) Passim: In his discussion of Argentina and Portugal, Lenin anticipates the Marxist concept of neocolonialism after World War II. Although these countries are politically independent, their financial dependence actually makes them part of the imperialist system as protectorates (p. 85). // This is how Lenin explains in great detail that imperialism is a dynamic global system that is constantly in flux, of which countries are part in many ways. The essence of monopoly capital requires that all capitalist countries be forced to pursue their own interests in competition for resources, markets and labour. The weaker countries lose out to the most powerful ones, but they can strive to impose their will on the less powerful ones. The system ensures that all economies are involved in a relationship of dominance and submission. Competition produces aggression and war. // Lenin mocks the petty-bourgeois reformist tendency to decouple imperialism from capitalism, to deny the "indissoluble link of imperialism with trusts and thus with the foundations of capitalism." If we fail to see that capitalism is the cause of imperialism and war, anti-imperialism remains a “pious wish” (p. 112). // It may be useful to summarize the foregoing and show how a closer understanding of imperialism can shed light on 21st century imperialism. 21st century imperialism has more similarities than differences with the imperialism of Lenin's time. // Imperialism is a system of global competition for resources, markets and labor. It pits capitalist countries against each other. These countries want to create spheres of influence and a better working area for their monopolies. The battle for the dominance of Ukraine, fueled by the US, is about the monopoly in the energy sector and the arms industry. The US also wants to safeguard and expand the existing spheres of interest. While the US is the more powerful superpower and instigator, Russia is an ambitious superpower tempted to invade a "transition country". Since its independence, successive corrupt Ukrainian governments have longed to become a protectorate of the great power that has the best deal to offer. The interests of different ruling classes are at stake. 
(9) Passim: There is ongoing debate in the leftist movement in the West as to whether Russia is an imperialist country or an anti-imperialist country that opposes US and EU imperialism. This debate is too theoretical and unfruitful. From a Leninist perspective, today's Russia, like tsarist Russia, is an emerging capitalist country vying for leadership in the race for markets and spheres of interest. Russia's activities against US imperialism (in Syria, Cuba, Venezuela, etc.) should be seen as defying a rival. The aggressive threat to Russia's ambitions from its powerful rivals is significant, but it does not serve the interests of the working class in Russia, Ukraine, the US or the EU. In fact, the “progress” of the war in Ukraine (as could be predicted from a Leninist perspective) has dramatically and negatively affected the plight of workers around the world. The lives of millions of people have been disrupted, destroyed or ended. // The collapse of the Soviet Union has given imperialism a free hand. It has spawned a world that bears many similarities to imperialism at the beginning of the 20th century. Some players have changed their roles, but the logic of the imperialism of the great powers still applies. Those of us who defend the historical role of the Soviet Union should not have romantic feelings for Russia today. As a superpower, Russia is part of the global imperialist system. // Lenin warns against attempts to separate imperialism from its capitalist roots. Anti-imperialism then degenerates into ineffective 'petty-bourgeois reformism'. The moralistic anti-imperialism of the "last Mohicans of bourgeois democracy," as Lenin calls it, degenerates into pacifism. An attitude beneficial to the soul, but powerless against the plans of the great powers. // The current left-wing movement acclaims the idea of ​​a "multipolar" capitalist world. But this too leads to the rivalry between the great powers being separated from their capitalist interests, especially those of their monopolies. Multipolarity was a key feature of imperialism leading up to World War I. In fact, the attempt to impose multipolarity on a world saddled with British Empire domination was a crucial factor in the genesis of the First World War.  // 

(10) Passim: To distance yourself from Leninism actually means to distance yourself from socialism. Desperate and unfounded faith in (a) the efficacy of multipolarity, (b) the hope of finding a principled anti-imperialist rallying point around a weakened, devastated socialist state now owned by a few mega-billionaires, (c) a miraculous transformation of today’s money-driven, elite-led western bourgeoisie parties and (d) the belief that the fragmented egocentric left-wing movement with all its diverse interests and identities can miraculously coalesce into a force for radical renewal… all this is the result of the loss of confidence in the socialist project. // The lessons of history and of the most brilliant teachers are the best guides to the future we want. Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose: the more things change, the more they stay the same.”

Geschiedenis, 21e eeuw, Algemeen

(1) Div., “Manifest – Krant van de Nieuwe Communistische Partij” 9 juni,  HOC 2022  - Andrea Sörensen, “Communistische Partij van Zweden [SKP] over de NAVO “; “As communists, we are against the strengthening of any imperialist alliance. This also applies to NATO, especially as it is the strongest imperialist alliance in the world today. // There are many reasons for our resistance. - In the first place, the process poses a great threat to the peoples of the northern and Baltic regions, because the military attention of the competitors of the Swedish bourgeoisie will be more clearly focused on us. / Secondly, membership will mean that young people in our own country are at greater risk of being sent abroad to protect the interests of the Swedish bourgeoisie in particular and the common interests of the bourgeoisie of NATO member states in general to defend. // Thirdly, this is an expression of the strengthening of the position of the Swedish bourgeoisie in the imperialist system. The Swedish bourgeoisie is small but active, with large interests abroad. Amid the sharpening of contradictions within the imperialist system, it is necessary for it to take more steps to safeguard these interests. 
(2) Passim: Why does the Social Democratic government, which was once against NATO, now want this membership? Do they have understandable reasons? - We see economic reality as the primary driving force behind politics. In 2021, the Congress of Social Democrats confirmed that "neutrality has served us well" and that Sweden "will not become a member of NATO". A year later, they are the driving force behind the accession process. This is a reflection of the rapid developments and changes within the imperialist system. // Competition between Western capital and Russian capital took a qualitative leap with the imperialist invasion of Ukraine. For the Swedish bourgeoisie, the defense of its own interests became more urgent. The Swedish bourgeoisie has made huge investments in the Baltic region, where it faces competition from Russian imperialism. At the same time, the Baltic Sea is of strategic importance not only to Sweden, but also to Russia. The general sharpening of the contradictions brings out these specific contradictions more sharply. // It is also important to point out that Sweden has important links mainly with the German and US markets, linking Swedish interests to German and US markets; and where important economic relations exist, political and military relations follow. 
(3) Passim: The question of whether it is understandable or not is therefore not the main question. Of course it is understandable. It is understandable from the point of view of the Swedish bourgeoisie. We understand the reasons behind this development, but understanding does not mean accepting. // If it is officially realised, what impact will this membership have on Sweden and also on regional/international relations? - There are a few different consequences of Sweden's NATO membership. Most obviously, relations between Sweden and Russia will deteriorate further and economic and political exchanges between the two countries will decline. // The official achievement of membership will also bring Sweden closer politically, militarily and economically to the US, Germany and other major imperial powers in the West. At the same time, it will also lead to a political consolidation of the Nordic region within the framework of NATO.
(4) Passim: In general, this is part of a process in which the imperialist blocs in the world are consolidating. The sharpening of the contradictions makes it more and more difficult to remain neutral and to exist outside a block. This logic applies not only to Finland and Sweden, but to every capitalist country in the world, because every capitalist country is part of the same system. // As we can see there is no extensive protest from the Swedish public against NATO, does your party have a plan or call to prevent this membership? - The Swedish public remains relatively passive, although a significant proportion of them reject membership. However, they will not take to the streets with their opinion. // There are protests and demonstrations against this development, but they remain politically immature and the participants are ideologically fragmented. While parts of the movement support the Russian invasion and side with Russian capital in its fight against Western capital, other parts support the supply of arms to Ukraine and side with Western capital instead. None of them have managed to take a stand in support of the working people of Ukraine and Russia, and few have even managed to link this development with the capitalist system. / ()Passim: This ideological fragmentation manifests itself in confusion about what is going on and an inability to analyze and mobilize effectively. That is why we have chosen to distance ourselves from this movement as such and instead focus on our own work. // In this context it must be said that we are a small party. Unfortunately, we are not in a position to consider plans to stop or prevent membership. We are taking advantage of the situation to express our views, and we are also organizing protests against this development. We are on the cusp of an election campaign in which opposition to this development will take a prominent place. //
(4) Passim: What has been the effect of the war in Ukraine on Sweden so far (social, economic, political etc.)? - The war in particular and the sharpening of contradictions in general have affected Sweden in a number of ways. // It is clear that this development has enabled the bourgeoisie to officially reject neutrality and pursue NATO membership, which in turn will have a major impact on the security situation in our country. // Apart from that, we have seen the political climate change. The expressions of solidarity with Ukraine are immense and have reached extreme proportions. Russian folk music bands have been disbanded, Russian foodstuffs have been taken off the shelves and our party offices in the southern city of Malmö have been vandalized as a result of our resistance to arms supplies to Ukraine.  //As in the rest of the world, prices of basic goods and housing have skyrocketed in recent months, raising the cost of living and putting additional pressure on people here. This is partly a result of the sanctions against and from Russia, but it is also a result of general inconsistencies within the system, which affect oil and gas prices, as well as a number of other factors. // Finally, what is your comment on the Turkish government's veto and its demands to accept the NATO membership of these two countries? - In Sweden, the issue has been portrayed as starting and ending with the Kurdish issue. Sweden has granted asylum to a number of Kurdish refugees from Turkey, who want Turkey extradited. The arms embargo that Finland and Sweden declared against Turkey in 2019 is sometimes mentioned. More often, however, the media focuses on the Kurdish issue. // This partly misses the point, because with this kind of reporting, Turkey's position within the imperialist system remains hidden and unclear.
(5) Passim: We can see that in many ways Turkey is more dependent on Russia than on the US. The volume of trade between Turkey and Russia is greater than that between the US and Turkey; Turkish investments in Russia are more important than Turkish investments in the US; the energy situation in Turkey makes it necessary to maintain at least friendly relations with Russia; the construction of a nuclear power plant in the south of Turkey by Russia is a very important motive for maintaining good relations with Russia; Turkey has bought Russian weapons instead of American weapons. // So one has to ask: what would be a good way to show Russia that Turkey does not automatically take the position of the US and its allies? Reject the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. Ultimately, they may be unlikely to refuse Sweden and Finland accession, but they will have maintained a certain level of friendly relations with Russia through their actions. // We stand by it: the economic factor is the primary driver behind any country's policy.”

(6) Peter Wahl, “Beilage Marxistische Blätter nr. 1 / Der Ukraine-Krieg und seine geopolitischen Hintergründe“, Neue Impulse Verlag 2022;  China’s
rise from developing country to superpower is not only unique in human history, but also a shock to the United States. This is not the place to discuss China’s model of society – state capitalism, socialist market economy, etc. However, two fundamental facts must be noted, which are also geopolitically highly relevant: – the overcoming of absolute poverty and increasing mass prosperity are, especially in comparison with India, which had similar starting
conditions, an expression of a development model oriented towards the social
community. The end of poverty opens up opportunities for individual
self-realization and material rights for hundreds of millions of people through
participation in the education, health system and culture. This is certainly
confirmed by the broad and growing approval of the population over the last few years, as well as by surveys carried out by western countries. The social
climate is very different from that of crises and catastrophes in western
societies; – The condition sine qua non of the rise was the role of the CP. As
always otherwise judges the country’s political system, this adds an extra
dimension to the usual geopolitical rivalry with the US, including an
ideological systemic conflict.”

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(7) Peter Wahl, “Beilage Marxistische Blätter nr. 1 / Der Ukraine-Krieg und seine geopolitischen Hintergründe“, Neue Impulse Verlag 2022; ”Here now – in telegram silence – the essential cornerstone of the systemic view of the world order: Firstly: the starting point is the fact that no state exists for all of itself, but only in interrelationship with others, with neighbors, rivals, like-minded people, etc. Accordingly, their foreign policy behavior arises not only because of the circumstances in one, but also because of the dynamics of the system in which something is an element. There is a systemic logic that constructs path dependencies. That does not mean that this system would be mechanical clockwork. As made by humans, it always creates different possibilities for action. / For example by replacing power-political confrontation with peace-oriented cooperation. / Second: There are no world stats. This is what distinguishes the international system fundamentally from the internal system of states. Due to constitutions, the legal system, the political system, etc., modern statehood has a high density of regulations that are supposed to keep the power relations and conflicts of society on the right track and to moderate them. On the other hand, interstate relations are more like what political theory describes as a ‘social state of nature’, which is far less ordered than tends to show anarchistic traits. Regulating forms of instruments of state exists here only in rudimentary form as international law, interstate treaties and international institutions. Above all, there is no legitimate supreme instance, such as a constitutional court and an executive body that implements its decisions. The UN Security Council, which should tend to be able to do this, is blocked by the concrete system when veto powers are involved in conflicts.

(8) Passim: Third: Even if under international law all have the same status, and normally the elements of the systems are not equal. The system is hierarchical. Whoever is at the top has formative influence on the flow. The more it goes down, the less room for maneuver and influence. Fourth: the position in the hierarchy depends on the power resources that a country has at its disposal: military, economic, technological, political networks and soft power. The assertiveness and options for action for one’s own national interests result from this. / Fifth: Because of all these factors, the central regulatory principle in the international system is the power-political balance of power. Norms, international law and institutional arrangements are only accepted by the big players as long as they do not call their vital interests into question. If possible, a great power does not want any normative commitments that could restrict power-political room for maneuvers. Here, too, the USA is the leading global power. // 3. In the epicenter: unipolar versus multipolar world order – from the power-political power relations there are systemic dynamics. For about a decade and a half after the end of the USSR, the system was unipolar, i.e. the United States was the undisputed sole superpower. It was the era of the American empire. Meanwhile the unipolar world order is coming to an end. In its place is a multipolar system. At its heart is the rivalry between the USA and China. At the same time, Russia is making a comeback as a great power. India is also striving to become a superpower. /

(9) Passim: The conflict between a unipolar and a multipolar world order has been at the center of the international system with increasing importance for about a decade. It forms its operating system, which not only shapes the behavior of the major powers, but also influences all important regional problems. The upheaval means a de-Westernization of the world and the end of 500 years of Euro-Atlantic supremacy. Barack Obama put it succinctly: ‘Those who think that America is in the doldrums or that it would lose its global leadership role are wrong. … America must always lead on the world stage. … I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being.’ Joe Biden is unbroken in the same tradition: ‘I want to ensure that America continues to rule the world’ because ‘no other nation has the ability to do so.’ Although barely acknowledged by the social left in Western Europe, for the USS power elites it is by far the top of their agenda. / In addition, the strategic goal of Chinese and Russian foreign policy is a multipolar world order, as already formulated in 2009 at the BRICS summit in Yekaterinburg: ‘We want a democratic and just multipolar world based on international law, equality, mutual respect, the cooperation, the common trade ns and collective decisions of all states.’ Or in the words of the Chinese stats and party leader: ‘We must not let the rains be determined by one or a few countries, which they impose on others or allow unilateralism in certain countries that want to set the direction for the whole world.”

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(10) Div., “Manifest – Krant van Nieuwe Communistische Partij” 19 december 2023 – Joke van den Boogert, “Griekenland: uitvalsbasis voor twee oorlogen”; ” Het was te verwachten gezien het strategische akkoord tussen Griekenland en de VS, waarbij vliegvelden, havens, een reeks militaire installaties, en alle civiele en militaire infrastructuur ter beschikking staan van de NAVO en de VS, zodra deze nodig zijn voor militaire operaties. Zoals nu, voor de oorlog tussen Israël en Palestina. Op het moment is heel Griekenland, van noord tot zuid, een uitvalsbasis voor twee oorlogen: namelijk die in Oekraïne en die in Israël. Het zat er al aan te komen, want in januari 2020 landden Amerikaanse helikopters op het vliegveld van Elefsina om vandaar via Rhodos naar bases in het Midden-Oosten te vliegen. // Vervolgens steeg in december 2021 een vliegende Griekse radar op in Elefsina en vloog tot aan Bulgarije om een flink deel van de Zwarte Zee te inspecteren en zo de NAVO een beeld te geven van de manoeuvres van de Russische strijdkrachten. Het ging hier om een routinemissie, althans zolang de krachtmeting tussen de NAVO en Rusland voortduurt. Bovendien vertrokken in februari 2022 twee C-130 transportvliegtuigen met oorlogsmaterieel voor de strijdkrachten in Oekraïne uit Elefsina. Die vervoerden duizenden Kalasjnikovs, plus nog ander materieel voor de oorlog en landden in Polen vlak bij de grens met Oekraïne. Er volgden nog twee vluchten met antitankgeschut en raketten. Dit soort missies gaan nog steeds door.

(11) Passim: Griekenlands betrokkenheid bij de oorlogen in het noorden en het zuiden van de regio neemt alleen maar toe, maar ook haar rol bij alles wat te maken heeft met vervoer van grondstoffen, zoals aardgas en aardolie.    Zo’n 24 jaar geleden werden rijke aardgasvelden ontdekt in de zee bij Gaza. Dat aardgas wordt niet gewonnen, want Israël verhindert dat. Bovendien zijn de energiekolossen erg voorzichtig om veiligheidsredenen. Het grootste veld, Gaza Marine, ligt ongeveer 30 kilometer ten westen van de kust van Gaza. Dit veld werd in 2000 ontdekt door British Gas. Een rapport van de VN uit 2019 bevestigde de aanwezigheid van grote aardgas- en olievelden op Palestijns grondgebied en in zee ter hoogte van de Gazastrook. In dat rapport staat dat: “het bezette Palestijnse grondgebied zich op belangrijke olie- en aardgasvelden in de regio van de bezette Westoever en in de Middellands Zee ter hoogte van de Gaza Strook bevindt.” In het rapport wordt er voorts op gewezen dat de Palestijnen zelf geen baat bij deze rijkdom hebben, omdat zij die niet kunnen exploiteren vanwege de Israëlische bezetting. Via een bemiddeling door Egypte is Israël akkoord gegaan met de winning van dit Palestijnse aardgas vanaf 2024. Een belangrijke aanleiding waren de stijgende energieprijzen, vooral na het begin van de oorlog in Oekraïne toen Europa naar alternatieve mogelijkheden zocht om minder afhankelijk van Russisch’ gas te zijn. () Passim: Egypte en Israël zouden toezien op de winning en een deel van het aardgas zou van Israël naar Europa worden vervoerd via Cyprus en Griekenland. Afgelopen september sloten de premiers van Israël, Cyprus en Griekenland een samenwerkingsakkoord voor energie, veiligheid en defensie. De Griekse premier bezocht Benjamin Netanyahu in oktober om zijn steun aan Israël te betuigen na de aanval van Hamas. Uit bovenstaande feiten blijkt dat Griekenland (en Cyprus) steeds nauwer betrokken raakt bij de gevaarlijke Euro-Atlantische plannen in het oostelijke Middellandse Zeegebied als deel van het trilaterale akkoord van september onder de hoede van de VS. De inschattingen dat een genocide en/of verdrijving van de Palestijnen uit de Gaza Strook Israël vrij spel zou geven voor de winning van bovengenoemde aardgasvelden, nemen toe. De ontwikkelingen van de laatste weken duiden in elk geval in de richting van deze gruwelijke genocide met de Palestijnen als slachtoffer.”

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(12) Div., Manifest – Krant van de Nieuwe Communistische Partij” 2, Stichting HOC 2024 -  Aris, “Politieke inleiding namens het partijbestuur – De actuele ontwikkelingen in binnen – en buitenland”; “The formation is now in full swing. On the surface, things don't seem to be going smoothly. The bourgeois media pays a lot of attention to tweets from Wilders, Omtzicht, Yeşilgöz and so on. So pay particular attention to the people and how their ideas would clash. There appears to be little concern about the content of the policy for the coming years, but mainly about the form of the cabinet. // But this is just the surface. Because in the background the ruling class is indeed busy with the content of the policy. The capitalist class is primarily concerned with economic developments. The capitalist economic crisis of 2020 was followed by only two years of recovery. In 2023, the Dutch economy will have gone through a months-long recession. Productivity is hardly growing anymore. The prospects for investment are bleak. There is a longer trend of shrinkage in industry, especially manufacturing, metal, chemicals, mechanical engineering and other branches. Capital is concerned about the deindustrialization of the Netherlands and the consequences this has for its competitive position.

(13) Passim: Capital sees a series of bottlenecks that prevent further capitalist economic growth, mainly limitations in infrastructure, the energy and transportation network, high material costs, shortages of cheap and trained labor, labor costs, but also concerns about the government's capacity to to continue to support capital in international competition. // The capitalist class is concerned about the vulnerability of the economy in the light of international developments. Signals are coming from all over the world about dire economic prospects. World trade is faltering. International conflicts escalate. But what the Dutch bourgeoisie is particularly concerned about is that the European Union is falling behind in the competition with other power blocs such as the US and China. // In the context of all these concerns and prospects, the ruling class is busy preparing numerous measures in various areas to improve the so-called 'business environment' and remove bottlenecks to the growth of capital. Some examples are as follows:

(14) Passim: 1. First of all, the 'green transition'. This is not about protecting the environment against real problems resulting from environmental degradation, climate change, etc. The so-called 'green transition' is a policy of the European Union and the Dutch government with large-scale investments and measures aimed at securing the competitive position and profits of big business. // An important element is the 'energy transition'. Not because capital cares about the planet, but because the grid is full and the energy infrastructure needs to be overhauled to create space for investments. But also to reduce dependence on Russian natural gas in the context of the interimperialist contradictions. This includes ambitious projects, such as investments in the power network or infrastructure for shore-based electricity that is important for shipping and trade. But also the rollout of, for example, the Delta Rhine Corridor, which creates infrastructure for the fast and cheap transport of hydrogen, electricity, CO2, and possibly also ammonia, LPG and propylene.4 Capital requires stronger state intervention and public-private partnerships to energy transition.5 // Also within the context of the 'green transition' is the objective of a 'circular economy'.6 This is sold as a way to reduce the burden on the environment with waste. But the projects are part of what is called 'strategic autonomy' in the EU, or reducing the dependence on the Netherlands and the EU for raw materials.7 This is in the context of the increasing inter-imperialist contradictions and the increasing use of protectionist policies in international relations.

(15) Passim: 2. Secondly, the 'digital transformation', which, in addition to the 'green transition', is seen as crucial in the current international competition. The Netherlands currently has a relatively good position, but capital is concerned that the Netherlands and the EU are lagging behind competing countries.8 The digital transition concerns the development of new technology, but especially the implementation of digital technologies, such as artificial intelligence, in production, trade and other economic processes. // In addition, there is a call for 'digitalization of healthcare'. There is talk of 'labor-saving medical technology', which immediately makes it clear what purpose this digitalization of healthcare serves: saving labor, but also organizing this sector so that it can fulfill its function efficiently and cheaply and can be further commercialized. 9 In a similar manner, there are calls for digitization of education. And more generally for measures to further adapt education to the interests of the business community. // Part of the digital transformation is the so-called 'digital government'. In other words, a government that can support capital more efficiently in all kinds of areas. New technologies such as artificial intelligence are used by, for example, the tax authorities, but also collect and analyze intelligence about citizens. // 3. Thirdly, investments in infrastructure to promote mobility, to expand the capacity for export, import and transit and to strengthen the competitive position of Dutch capital. This concerns projects for roads, but also rail, water and air. // 4. Fourth, reforms in the labor market. Strikingly enough, employer organizations are talking about more permanent jobs. What they mean by this is that the hiring of employees on a permanent basis should be simplified, while at the same time emphasizing that the “important role [of] temporary employment in the labor market remains guaranteed,” as VNO-NCW puts it.12 In other words, while Flexibility is maintained, dismissal protection and other obligations of employers with permanent employment contracts must be further elaborated. Capital demands more permanent jobs that are less permanent. //

(16) Passim: 5. Fifth, expansion of defense and the war industry, with the aim of strengthening the geostrategic position of the Dutch capitalist class, including within NATO and the EU, and stimulating the faltering economy by militarizing it. Employers' organizations are even calling for the NATO standard of spending 2% of GDP on defense to be laid down in law.13 For comparison: in 2018, 9.1 billion or 1.2% of GDP went to defense, this year it 21.4 billion and 1.95%. // 6. Sixth, 'control over labor migration'. This means that only refugees and migrants who are economically useful to capital are admitted.14 The EU's efforts to keep out refugees and select them outside the borders of the EU also fit into this context. The right to asylum is thrown into the trash. // This is of course not a complete list, but it does give an indication of the capital's agenda. Moreover, on all these points there are divergent and conflicting interests within capital, which are also indirectly reflected in political developments.

(17) Passim: The formation and role of the bourgeois political parties - The first round of formation failed due to – or under the pretext of – setbacks in public finances. These setbacks were first made very big and then very nuanced. // But there is a reality behind this whole thing: there is a price tag on the green and digital transitions and the other measures on the wish list of big capital. There are limits to the possibilities of the Keynesian policy that the Dutch government has implemented in response to the capitalist economic crisis of 2020.15 An adjustment is taking place towards stricter budgetary policy. The discussions between the forming parties about finances also relate to the question of which points and to what extent the Keynesian approach is necessary - which the PVV and BBB in particular place more emphasis on - or a stricter budget policy - which the VVD and BBB Emphasize NSC more. In any case, new rounds of cuts and attacks on the living standards of the population are imminent, because we will ultimately have to pay for both 'healthy public finances' and state support for the 'green transition'.

(18) Passim: From publications by employers' organizations and other mouthpieces of big business, it is clear that the bourgeoisie is asking for a 'stable cabinet'.16 The letter from VNO-NCW to former informateur Plassterk stated: “The Netherlands needs action and a focus on implementation ,” which means the implementation of the aforementioned plans of the bourgeoisie.17 The discussions in the formation about the form of the cabinet – a classic majority cabinet, a minority cabinet or an extra-parliamentary cabinet – are therefore actually about the question of how a 'stable cabinet ' can be formed. A cabinet that can push through capital's agenda in such a way that the contradictions within capital hinder the efficiency of the state as little as possible and that the population can be included in that agenda. // The role of social democracy in this formation is striking. We already have two informants from PvdA-GroenLinks, who apparently put a lot of effort into making a cabinet with the extreme right possible. Although Social Democracy in general did not achieve a good result in these elections, we should not underestimate the ability of Social Democracy to recover. In the form of PvdA-GroenLinks, SP or new forms.

(19) Passim: As long as social democracy remains at a distance from government participation and is not necessary for majorities in parliament, it is quite possible that it will fulfill more of an opposition role within the trade union movement and other movements. It is important that as communists at the grassroots level we jointly fight with other workers, students, pensioners and other working class people for our interests. But at the same time we must point out the objective role of the social democratic parties, which bear great responsibility for enabling the rise of the extreme right. // What is striking is the tendency of the social democracy to conduct opposition in such a way that it puts the population in the favor of the bourgeoisie. We have seen this strongly in recent years, for example, in the environmental movement, where social democracy completely misses the point with the approach that measures do not go 'far enough', which entails the assumption that the measures in themselves are fantastic. People were mobilized to push government policy 'even further'. But that is not a protest against the government and the EU that are damaging the environment, but rather support for their so-called 'green' demolition policy. // In our political work in the movement it is therefore important to understand the problems well and, on that basis, formulate the demands and choose the forms of struggle that will help the movement move forward.

(20) Passim: Because the policies that the new government will implement encompass all sectors of the economy and penetrate many aspects of our lives, from care and incitement to war to education and the environment. All these measures have a class character. For example, the digital transformation: new technology can improve living conditions. But who decides how technology is used and for what interests? In the hands of capital, the working class pays the bill and often even has negative consequences for them. For example, digitalization of healthcare does not focus on how new technologies can be applied for the health of the population or to facilitate the work of healthcare personnel, but on cost-efficiency and commercialization.

(21) Passim: Developments in the agricultural sector and farmers' protests - It is important to discuss developments in the agricultural sector. There have been regular farmers' protests for several years now, including in many other countries. What kinds of protests are these and what class interests do they represent? This is a complex issue that we have not yet fully explored, but there are certain aspects that we need to highlight. // The issue is complicated by the great internal stratification within the peasant class. There are large capitalist farms that accumulate capital based on the exploitation of farm workers, often with underpaid foreign workers working in appalling conditions. But there are also many smaller farming households that are not capable of capital accumulation, who live mainly from their own labor, and who often even have part-time jobs in other sectors to make ends meet. A significant portion of the smaller farming households in the Netherlands even live below the low-income limit. They are being pushed out by the competition from the large capitalist agricultural companies. // These smaller farmers are exactly the ones being screwed over by the EU's Common Agricultural Policy. This policy is aimed at securing cheap raw materials for the monopolies in the processing industry and trade. Concentration of production is of great importance for the competitiveness of European monopolies vis-à-vis the US, BRICS and other blocs. Subsidies and regulations are therefore encouraging the concentration of land and capital in fewer and fewer hands in the agricultural sector. While there were still 400,000 farming households in the Netherlands after the Second World War, there are now fewer than 60,000.

(22) Passim: In the same context of guaranteeing cheap raw materials, the EU arbitrarily draws up and adapts regulations for agricultural products, often under the pretext of health and food safety. Trade agreements are also being drawn up with other countries to import cheap agricultural products for European monopolies, with which farmers in Europe can often hardly compete. This has destroyed entire branches of the agricultural sector in various countries in Europe. At the same time, European policy also leads to a large surplus of cheap agricultural products that are intended for export, often with disastrous consequences for the agricultural sector in other countries. // While food in the supermarket is very expensive for the working class, the farmer sees very little of it. The money is swallowed up by industrial capital, commercial capital and banking capital. That is what the EU's Common Agricultural Policy promotes. Ultimately, capital also determines for the agricultural sector what is produced, how much, where and how – based on what is profitable for them. This is ultimately the cause of both the desperate situation of hardworking small farmers and the effects of the capitalist economy on the environment and animal welfare. As communists we support the struggle of the small farmers. // The lack of a class-oriented line gives far-right forces free rein among the farmers, gives agricultural capitalists free rein to put their stamp on the content of the protests and promotes a sterile approach, as if there were an irreconcilable contradiction between agricultural production and the environment."

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(24) Div., “Marxistische Blätter – Das Jubileumsheft: Mut und Marxismus“, Neue Impulse Verlag 2023 – Ingar Solty, “Krieg, Stagflation und Standortkrieg“; “ Global capitalism is currently in a state of the general crisis, which began [at the latest] in 2007 with the 'global financial crisis'. This has to do with the fact that the size of the world system has many dimensions. They always contradict the efforts of the Spanish state to manage the country's problems, because apparently solutions or problems have been brought under control, and individual crises have always been brought to light in other areas. // The dimensions of crisis – there are six dimension of crisis to see: [1] a deeply rooted crisis of capitalist accumulation; [2] a crisis of the social reproduction and the relation of sexes; [3] a crisis of the social group, which is associated with the four industrial revolutions and the conversion of Keynesian welfare into neo-liberal states and has led to a feeling of deep social insecurity right up to the 'middle'; [4] based on this, a crisis of culture and representation, which can also be counted as the rise of the rightwing authoritarian nationalism; [5) a crisis in the human-nature relationship, which includes the ecological limits of the culture as well as the current climatic catastrophe; and [6] a crisis that was created by the USA in 1945 and globalized after 1991. Here, the question is the challenge of the relative descent from a hegemonic power [USA] and the rising new one [China], this time without world war. /

(25) Passim: The individual dimensions always lead to very specific crises that reveal the vulnerability of the system. So the world order war as a 'fluid crisis' exacerbated the crisis of democracy. The corona pandemic leaves the vulnerability of the globalized 'just in time' products mercilessly exposed. And the Ukraine war did not only increases the economic crisis tendencies, but also acts as a catalyst for a new generation. / This is still a future dream, Already in the  present are the pandemic, the trade contact of the USA with China and the Ukrainian government over the market reconfiguration of the supply chains ['DeRisking'] a new order form. However, this process is taking place in a very crisis-like manner. The collapse of supply chains in the form of the economy and the pandemic has already led to a global fall in raw material, energy and supply costs, which is also reflected in the prices of raw materials. The delivery problems with the monopoly-manufactured, strategically targeted microchips have caused massive losses in the industry worldwide. With the sanctions and counter-sanctions because of the Ukraine war, the population is now as high as it was in half a century. //

(26) Passim: Return of stagflation - Inflation is now also overriding the classic economic cycle of boom and recession phases. Because inflation is the result of supply and cost shocks and not yesterday's mass purchasing power as a result of successful wage reductions and strong tariff agreements, it is coming for the first time Crisis of the 1970s caused the inflation to decline, the persistent problem of inflation coupled with stagnation. / However, unlike then, there is an difference in the totality. The stagflation in the 1970s actually happened together with a wage-price-spiral. Although the surge in inflation was also a gift at that time, especially in 1973, the strong union against the backing of the Kenyan people's employment, robust socialist states and the growth of capital mobility meant that the society actually was not able to cope with record levels of employment and the real wage losses or send less. Keynesianism had reached its inner limits. The high interest rate policy of the US central bank Federal Reserve [FED] - the infamous 'Volcker shock' of 1979 - also pursued the domestic policy goal of dually calculating the power of the economy through recession and mass unemployment and of increasing the capital’s power over work to stand by. The summary book of trade compensation dates back to the 1980s - which can be seen in the decline in strike numbers, strike support, wage increases and falling wage rates - and the rise in capital profitability show how successful this neoliberal counter-revolt was at the time. //

(27) Passim: Wage-profit spiral - The neoliberal bourgeoisie still claims today that inflation is the result of a wage-price spiral. However, the economist Isabella Weber has analysed that the main cause today is not a wage spiral, but a profit-spiral. The collapse of the supply chains did give occasion to giant price increases, because corporations in this area did not have to worry about losing market share to competitors. / The actual profits of the capital have increased to the record level. In this way, they do not behave uniformly across companies and industries, but rather accumulate special information, while others are not in a position to pass on information. The district thus carries out a double redistribution. to force the capital to have a monopoly in addition. The fact that the states at the centre of the capitalist centre were ultimately turned to energy price deductions seemed to be an attempt to exercise the state's function as an 'ideal collective power' and to thwart the profits of the individual capitalists. On the other hand the cash flow is exacerbating the phenomenon that today income from capital eats up income from work. //

(28) Passim: Wage share is falling globally - The UN international labor organization rightly warns in its report 'world employment’ an employment outlook ‘about the trend of 2023' that 'the economic crisis' is 'eroding the available economic resources' worldwide. According to ILO calculations, the trend of the global wage rate falling is increasing: on a global average, it has fallen from 54.1 percent [p2004] to 52.6 [2019] and is expected to fall even further by 2023. / Even in Germany, according to the Federal Statistical Office, real wages fell by 4.1 percent in 2022. According to ING-bank, the population share of the population that has no income at all is almost a third of the population, according to the ING-bank the number of households that has totally non saving or even have to go into debt – is risen to about one third of the population. / In the meantime, inflationary pressures are being directed towards increased pressure on the population. Nevertheless, it is hardly possible to oppose something to the impoverishment of the working people. The terms of the collective agreement do not yet allow a valid agreement because it is unclear how inflation will develop in 2024. Certainly now that in Germany, even the powerful employment groups have succeeded at best in fighting for inflation compensation. / Although there can be no talk of a wage-price spiral and the producer price also gradually fell in the summer of 2023, the European central bank [ECB] is sticking to its goal of breaking off the top of the wage war. In an interview with the 'Financial Times', their spokesman Pierre Wunsch, that the ECB would 'continue to raise the interest rates until wage growth slows down'. The economic report by Fed Chairman Jerome Powell takes a similar approach. //

(29) Passim: Helplessness of the monetary policy - At the same time, the relative helplessness of the monetary policy in the system being too stable is once again evident in the Stagflation. The zero interest rate policy, which marked the desperate attempt to counter the stagnation tendencies through monetary policy stimulus and financial sector policy, led to real financial problems, which resulted in the resulting speculative bales bursting, as in the 'dot-com war 2001 or the subprime mortgage crisis of 2007. This policy led to bank failures and the consequences of austerity policy because the market radical 'old plan' to let the 'system-relevant' banks go bankrupt would still have been possible. / Also the 'industrial prizes’ demanded by the industrial capital in response to your case, since the kilowatt hour input in Germany as a result of the sanctions policy is three times as high as in the USES and seven times as high as Vienna in China, it seems always better than the requirements of the financial capital, bankruptcies of  entrepreneurs and seclusion, in other words: de-industrialization, to tolerate as 'market preparations' including mass unemployment. Social security policy, however, would involve the subsidization of the capitalists to the condition of the transfer of property and the public hand, as in 2008 the banks would have been transferred to public service companies. / This is also why, as a result of the inflation and high interest rate policy, the national states, which suffer from the higher interest payments on their state debts, are now put under pressure.

(30) Passim: Today, the high interest rates are jeopardizing the ability of the USA and the EU to respond to the competition of the Chinese national corporations - especially in high technology, - with the continued emphasis on austerity policy and our active industrial policymakers. This is still starting to happen in the context of the Corona virus and emergency special funds, as well as with the 750 billion euro 'health and resilience plan' of the ERU member states and the creeping socialization of the national debt in the Euro-space through the one billion Euros ECB's 'corona-bonds' program. In an extreme case, there could be a new state budget- and Euro crisis available if the national states are no longer able to refinance themselves via the international capital market. The insistence of the Federal Finance Minister Christian Lindner [FDP] on a return to the 'debt brake' and her announcement of social cuts amounting to 20 million Euros may be seen as a politically motivating attempt by politicians to present successes to some of the DP's clientele. But the situation in the capitalist center is different. In the USA, the Biden government's attempt to use the low interest rates to be the biggest [and in some parts quite progressive] economic stimulus program at the end of the Second World War on the crisis and the Chinese Hyper-competitive ability to regulate, most seriously not only the republic, but also neo-liberal forces in their own ranks. In his speech on the state of the nation on February 7th, President Biden recalled that the subsequent doubling of the US budget was due to Trump's radical tax increase policy in favor of capitalism and billionaires' coffers. He also demanded that the billionaires participate in the financing of necessary investments. /

(31) Passim: However, since there was little more than rhetoric with a sight on the new re-election in 2024. the Biden election in 2024, all comparison with Franklin D. Roosevelt did not make any proposals to purchase the large unproductive assets in order to use them for the planned reforms they tried once, The reduction of the oak and capital taxes is to be reversed and the low interest rates and the easier financial financing are possible. That's revenge today. / It hardly looks any different in the EU. The EAB will be working on its Corona-Bonds program in summer 2022. The hope of the southern European region on the European Union through the back door has thus become a barrier to a return to autistic politics, according to a proposal by the EU commissioner on April 26th. According to is own statement, this represents the 'most comprehensive reform of the European economic development system, the follow-up of the value and financial crisis' and pursues two 'central objectives': 'to strengthen the sustainability of the public sector' and 'to promote sustainable and inclusive economic development' There would be a need to reduce the soaring public debt and to make the EU more competitive //

(32) Passim: Things hardly look any different in the EU. The EXB completed its corona-bonds program in summer 2022. The hope of the Southern European government on European bonds through the back of the country has been dashed for a return to austerity politics, an advance by the European Union on April 26th. According to its own statement, this represents the 'most comprehensive reform of European economic management in the aftermath of the economic and financial crisis' and pursues two 'central objectives': 'to promote sustainable and inclusive growth'. There is a need to reduce the sharply increased public costs and to make the EU more competitive. // EU tries squaring the circle - The EU also tries squaring the circle. This takes place within the framework of the 'European Economical government’ that puts the national states in check. The old neo-Liberty convergence demands that the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 have been brought into play again: an annual budget deficit of three percent of the gross domestic product [GDP, a national debt not over 60 percent of the GDP. The regulations with the new surveillance and control measures that were developed when the European semester and the fiscal compact were introduced in response to the euro crisis. / In reality, the EU Commission wants all member states to reduce their debts, which means social cuts amounting to several billion Euros annually, because almost all EU states have higher deficits and debts than permitted. particularly in the crosshairs of the overweighing and sacrificial resources are allowed to come into the crosshairs of Greece [2022 budget deficit: 2.3 percent], Italy [8.0 percent: 144.7 percent]], Italy 8.0 percent; 144.7 percent], Spain [4.8 percent; 113.1 percent], France [4.7 percent; 111.6 percent] and Belgium [3.9 percent; 105.1 percent]. //

(33) Passim: The austerity dictate affects all states - at the same time, this time the austerity dictate is not only allowed to apply to subdues. At that time, Germany played the taskmaster of Europe and forced the Southern European states to reduce minimum wages, pensions, building and health expenses, privately voicing state property and eliminating land contracts; This meant that there was a humanitarian crisis in Greece in particular, but now they were also largely affected by the flood of capital, including the southern European states, which even benefited from it, and two countries included Germany, whose deficit of 2.6 percent this year is contrary to the battle for the three- percent mark and the debt have only been below the 60 percent mark a few times in the last 20 years [59.6 percent in 2019], but it is always the same again, also in 2022 [66.4 percent]. ,. Lindner's social cuts plans must therefore be understood in the context of this rejection of austerity politics. // Billionaire pots for success - The push for this politics is so strong because at the same time there is still a need to react to China's hyper-competitiveness in matters of future technologies [AI, 5th mobile technology, green technology] by imitating its strategic interventionism . / What is happening in the Catholic centers is therefore a risky attempt at a double strategy: on the one hand, billions of dollars in subsidies and subsidies for industry and, on the other hand, a policy of 'internal devaluation' of costs and wages. All of this is done in the name of competitiveness and location logic. /

(34) Passim: So the USA has declared the location of the European competition for foreign investments with the capital support within the framework of the 'Inflation Reduction Act' and its 'logical content' regulations, while at the same time they are trying to absorb Europe from China, and now in the social sphere Report come the expenses. The EU states are responding to the RRA on the one hand and as a result of the Ukrainian war and the Reduce balance sanctions, there are also billions of euros in energy costs. With their help comes the financing of the EU- capitalist states ; research and development’ - according to the motto 'privatizations wins, risks and losses socially' - and they attract microchip and other strategic functioning semiconductor catalytic investments, as in the case of TSMC in Dresden and Intel in Magdeburg. Added to this are local policy measures that require star cuts for corporations [such as the German ‘promised grow chaches'] / in view of the high interest rate policy and the country's economic situation, and in view of the declared goal oof budget consolidation, the necessity arises from this, the costs in the form of work around the base area is also under the form of deprecation expense. What's more: the internal transfer of costs and wages is itself part of the location's spirit. For Germany, this means that the extreme pressure of the heights as a result of the 'power of skilled workers' it is pushed by another force in the direction of the extension of the week or lifespan [42-hour week/pension at 70] and forced employment, for which the 'traffic light' has decided on an expansion law and is systematically recruiting etc. abroad. /
(36) Passim: The cuts are particularly severe this time because the EU states clearly demonstrated this at the NATO summit in Vilnius [11/12. July 2023] the court has made promises to invest at least 2 percent of GDP in upgrading every year. Foreign  austerity package takes the necessary measures explicitly from the austerity-related customs. The victim of childcare from the age of the rearmament was only allowed here at the beginning of the year. / Let's now look at the fact that inflation and the high interest rate policy of the East are hitting the states particularly hard. For most of the south of the globe, they pose a risk of guild, because inflation is extremely widespread and unchecked, and there is now a new global recession because of the rise in inflation and currency Dollar or euro that are denominated,  essentially they owe each other and this already appeared on the horizon in 1979 after multiplying and together with risk premiums for state bonds and the right to insolvency. //

(37) Passim: Distribution battles and mass escape - It takes no intelligence to suspect that rapidly increasing prices for foodstuffs may once again - as in the 'Arabic early days' - trigger heated conflicts of conflict, the possible possibility of violence as an ethnic and religious citizen loyal to the state – be the white, yellow or dark-colored, like in Syria afterwards, people who were able to escape in large numbers due to war and violence could drive up the number of asylum systems that have been put to death by the EU states with the communal village-like asylum systems' [CEAS] recently exploited 'fortress Europe' and at the same time, As in 2015, the right-wing authoritarian-actionist forces in the capitalist centers are giving suppuration. For this reason it is also crucial, in the name of tomorrow's sacrifice, to end the Ukrainian war as quickly as possible in order to at least eliminate this cause of inflation. / A new financial crisis is also happening because inflation naturally causes share prices to fall and therefore the capital assets of the bourgeoisie are disgraced. According to McKinsey, the total volume of assets increased rapidly from 440 million in 2000 to 1.54 trillion in 2020, this volume has fallen since the third quarter of 2022 for the first time in decades ur government securities fell by 20 percent.

(38) Passim: This raises bankruptcies like that of Silicon Valley Bank recently, because banks and institutional investors tend to invest in speculative, high-risk investments in an attempt to halt the collapse of investments. The hesitation of the capital states, which resulted from fear of 'competitive disadvantages', to sustainably tighten up the deregulated capital regulations after the glaring financial crisis of 2007, was allowed to take revenge. An indication of such transactions can be that the cash reserves of the large capitals, which were accumulated over the decades of constant growth, are dwindling at a rapid pace. // Interior and exterior land seizure limited? - One could now assume that this reduction at least reduces the structural or imperial pressure to find investment opportunities for surplus capital that is at risk of being disinvested. But all in all the aggravated private capitalism there are the value papers and the resulting redistribution towards capitalism, overall, the over accumulation. In neoliberal financial market capitalism who the capitalist country name of the EG to process this again and to bind surplus capital. The country's proximity to the land through the debt crisis broke up the trade policy of the previously closed-off and state-obsessed part of the global South and the name of a country through the replacement of public common goods [mobility, health, rent, education, etc.] complemented each other. /

(39) Passim: The question, however, is which geographical and social spaces are today in this form for a land-based own. In the past time, skepticism and resistance to neoliberal politics have arisen. This applies to the ranks and the mass protest against the extension of the pension age, but also to Germany, where, according to a survey by the market research company Kantar, 67 percent of the population reject the 'activated' ones set by the 'traffic light'. Even among DP supporters, 42 percent of respondents are against it. / With regard to the use of the land-based possibilities for investment, open compulsory politics have grown through the lever of and with the government debts. The all-running exploitation of the Ukraine through the transnational capitalism is the sweetest thing: they are received from the international currency fund with the help of the world's largest chapter isfons 'balcrock' orchestrated and, according to the reging in Kdieew, is supposed to be the largest privately approved public event since 1991. A new treasure war in the southern lands would certainly open up - from a capital perspective - other attractive domestic options. Particularly in view of the ongoing disputes over raw materials for the e-mobility transition - lithium and cobalt, for example - the desire for new safe investments is great. However, a wave of state prosecutions in Africa and elsewhere would not necessarily be what capitalism imagines as an 'entrepreneur-friendly investment policy'. /

(40) Passim: In addition, more than four decades of debt to the imperialist policies of the capitalist center states have undermined faith in the healing powers of market-driven social development in the global South. The attempt by the BRIC-states, which were expanded by six percent on January 1, 2024, to 'de-dollarize' their countries against the USA's goal of imposing a new bipolar world order on China, which Russia does not exclude from the USA and the EU [minus Hungary]. is also a result of skepticism and the growing influence of China in the world. The attractiveness of the Chinese development and the credibility of China also have to do with the fact that Chinese loans are 'softer' and that one associates them with the colonial past and the treated colonial rule. / The combination of profit-price spiral, over-accumulation, restrictive financial policy and the 'beggar they neighbor' - capitalism, in which the central capital states try to take away larger pieces of a barely growing cake in the name of the ability to work from one another, means - especially China as a result of the corona pandemic, it turns out to be a 'consumer of last resort' and a driver of global economics - as a global recession is very likely. The deepening crisis of global capitalism is coming to a head."