Opbouw socialisme, china, vrouwen

(1) Dilia Davin, “Woman-work – Women and the party in revolutionary China”, Oxford University Press 1979; “at the time of proliferation, though production was declared to be the main priority and woman-work cadres were asked to concentrate their efforts on women workers and works’ dependants, they were urged to try also to win over women students and intellectuals quickly if there was any change that they could be recruited to ease the worsening shortage of women cadres. The majorities of the seasoned cadres assigned for wok in the towns at this time had received most of their experiencing land reform. Even those who had worked in the small towns of the liberated areas would have anything they had know understandably many regretted the change, and several delegates at the1949 Congress criticized themselves for an initial reluctance to take up work in the towns. / Industrial workers were probably the easiest women to organize since they were already concentrated in groups, their lives were in contraction with traditional ideas on the place of women, and they were less afraid to speak out or to discuss with others. Moreover, improvements in the economic situation, had later the advantages conferred on them by the labour laws, they have then a deepening commitment to the new regime. However, women workers were a small minority especially in the heavy industrial centres of the north-east which were the first big towns to be liberated. Far more numerous and difficult to contract were working-class women who did not themselves have jobs. With the peace-time restoration and expansion of the economy, many were persuaded to take jobs and were then organized in their place of work. Those who stayed at home were brought into touch with the developments of the new society by theatrical women’s association, dependants’ associations, and street committees, or residents’ association.”

Religie, algemeen, Schepping

(1) Mircea Eliade “Cosmos and history – The myth of the eternal return”, Harper & Row 1959; “If the act of the Creation realizes the passage from the nonmanifest to the manifest or, to speak cosmologically, from chaos to cosmos; if the Creation took place from a centre; if, consequently, all the varieties of being, from the inanimate to the living, can attain existence only in an area dominantly sacred – all this beautifully illuminates for us the symbolism of sacred cities [centres of the world], the geomantic theories that govern the foundation of towns, the conceptions that justify the rites accompanying their building. We studied these construction rites, and the theories which they imply, in an earlier work, and to this we refer reader. Here we shall only emphasize two important propositions: 1. every creation repeat the pre-eminent cosmogonic act, the Creation of the world. / 2. Consequently, whatever is founded has its foundation at the centre of the world [since, as we know, the Creation itself took place from a centre].”

Migratie, Algemeen

(1) Div, “Manifest 6 – Newspaper of the New Communist Party / NCPN”, Foundation HOC July 2, 2020 – Beate Landefeld, “Lenin on Labor Migration and Migration Today”; In 1913 Lenin wrote the article Capitalism and Immigration of Workers. He began with the observation that capitalism has produced "a special form of migration". Higher wages in the developed countries attract workers from the backward countries, who thus ended up in distant countries and were forcibly drawn into the cycle of advanced capitalism. Thereafter Lenin judged migration as follows: "There is no doubt that only extreme misery forces people to leave their native lands and that the capitalists exploit the immigrant workers in the most unscrupulous way" // Accumulation through expropriation. / David Harvey, Marxist economic geographer, has broadened the concept of original accumulation to 'accumulation by dispossesions'. It preceded capitalism, but it also remained in its later stages. Under neoliberalism, this accumulation became particularly significant. In addition to the continuous expropriation of uncompetitive small [land] ownership, Harvey included processes such as the biopiracy of genetic resources, the expropriation of mental property, the privatization of state institutions in capitalist countries, the sale of state-owned enterprises in former socialist countries, rounds of capital outrage in dependent countries and the plunder of savings by institutions of finance capital. At the international level, according to Harvey, "the primary means of accumulation through expropriation is ... the enforced opening of markets around the world through the institutional pressure of the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization, supported by the power of the United States [and to some extent]. degree of Europe]'; [David Harvey, The New Imperialism, 2005] Market opening always favors the stronger. //

(2) Passim: The European Union's buying up of fishing rights off the coasts of Africa, the destruction of subsistence economies in Africa as a result of EU free trade agreements, the land grab by large agricultural concerns are forms of accumulation through expropriation. At the same time, they are push factors for migration. Moreover, wars, military interventions and attempts at regime change usually target countries that, under pressure, refuse to open their markets to the monopoly capital of the great powers and seek an independent path of development. Thanks to the military 'strengthening' of the US and the rise of China and Russia, neoliberal globalization has now reached its limits. Economic sanctions are increasingly taking the place of military interventions. But these too have deadly consequences and amplify the push factors for refugee flows. In addition, economic devastation, due to climate change and extreme weather events, is increasingly causing migration movements. // The vast majority of people who have fled wars seek protection from firelands. Syria and Pakistan topped the list of host countries in 2018, according to the United Nations Refugee Agency. Of the 70 million refugees worldwide, 84 percent have found shelter in developing countries. Of the rich industrialized countries, only Germany was in the top 10 receiving countries. The reason for this was the admission in 2015/16 of approximately 1 million refugees. They found a 'welcome culture' in Germany. This originally concerned a political-programmatic concept from labor market politics. Attempts since the beginning of this century to recruit highly qualified craftsmen had been unsuccessful. Recruiters left again. German college and university graduates increasingly sought their future abroad. A shortage of highly qualified workers was predicted. //

(3) Passim: Labor market and migration researchers, government associations, foundations, national and regional governments, media, parties and institutions have therefore been working for years to create a 'welcome culture'. During the refugee crisis, the purely useful motivation of this 'welcome culture' was expanded to include the humanitarian objective of aid to asylum seekers and it succeeds in mobilizing a great deal of helpfulness among the population and in civil society. True hospitality and charity emerged under the campaign slogan 'Wir buy das'. However, a flip side of this campaign was that real problems caused by the massive influx into cash-strapped municipalities were long ignored, in a social policy that could receive increased competition for housing, jobs and social outreach. to provide. So disenchantment soon followed. In all rich countries, right-wing populists exploit the cultural and religious differences between natives and immigrants to fuel prejudice, fear, hatred and envy and thereby score in elections. Making migrants scapegoats for social problems distracts from the necessary struggle for social betterment and for all, a struggle to be waged against capital. Right-wing violence, terror, assassination threats and attacks threaten the exercise of bourgeois-democratic rights. Today, big business in the most important countries does not need a fascist form of power, but is developing with the parties and associations of right-wing populism and right-wing extremists and of pro-capitalist, anti-democratic reserves, which can be mobilized against the entire labor movement in times of crisis. //

(4) Passim: A leftist critique of migration! / The capitalists use migration to depress the wage level, as they used every differentiation within the wage dependents, for example the differences between the sexes or between the generations. Young people are preferred over the elderly, many women and foreigners are pushed into precarious jobs, women earn less than men, foreigners fold the least. That's class struggle from above. Resistance to this is only possible through economic and political class struggle from below. Only in this way can good working conditions be achieved for all. The statement that it was only migration that caused the division of the labor market is incorrect. The split in the labor market has internal causes. There has never been a completely homogeneous labor market under capitalism. // The ’30 golden years of capitalism’ from 1945 to the mid-1970s are regarded as a phase of high social standard by which that of the neoliberal present is often measured. At that time, the labor movement presupposed a nationally and internationally favorable balance of power. After the crisis of 1974/75, the social breakdown started. In 1984, the defeat in the battle for the 35-hour work week opened the way for "flexibility". The main waves of social breakdown, precarization and the breakdown of standard contracts occurred in the context of the de-industrialization of the GDR and the 2010 Agenda. Mass immigration intensified competition for housing and limited social benefits. But here, too, the causes lie primarily in internal development. The neoliberal reform brought social housing to a standstill and was accompanied in all areas by privatizations and the breakdown of the welfare state. Migration does not threaten the standards of the social welfare state. When this is said, it distracts from the truth that the rights of the wage earners must always be defended against capital and its state. Only the balance of power of the class struggle determines how certain social rights are in a country. //

(5) Passim: It is important to point out that mass migration also has negative consequences for the countries of origin, when large parts of the young work-oriented, often well-qualified population leave the countries that are already lagging behind, they unwittingly reduce the possibilities of these countries to catch up. so that it continues to grow. Investments in training are lost to the country of origin [brain drain] Aging of the population promotes investment, stagnation and further impoverishment. Here too, however, a misunderstanding must be cleared up: Migration can problem, but is not the cause of it. The cause is the unevenness in the development of companies, industries and countries. An economy based on competition will always bring about this unevenness. It is not in the interest of the working class. // It is in the national and international interest of the working class is equal cooperation kingship of nations for mutual benefit and not competition for the purpose of subjugating the weak by the strong. Germany's economic dominance over the EU's southern and eastern periphery is as little in the interest of the working class as the EU's frontline position against Russia and China. The struggle for spheres of influence on the different continents is taking place in the interests of the competing, transnationally operating large corporations of the main imperialist countries. It is precisely in the interest of the working class to reduce inequalities in development and inequalities in living conditions and to fight for overall equality. //

(6) Passim: Holding back refugees through today's "fortress Europe" makes the EU even more reactionary than it already is. The repressive border regime is part of EU militarization. The expansion of the Frontex border guard, barbed wire fences at the external borders, doing thousands in the Mediterranean Sea and on the roads there, moving border controls to 'porter countries' such as Turkey and North African states, cooperation with the Libyan coastguard and ending of barriers to rescue at sea, all expose the 'European community of values', as the EU likes to present itself, as propaganda. In Germany, in view of the right-wing populism harmful to exports, the political class smoothly moved from the 'wake-up culture' to foreclosure, while at the same time passing an immigration law for professionals. // In view of the current balance of power in the class struggle, inequality is still increasing. Achieving greater equality at home and abroad seems to be a goal. But many countries are fighting for this. Today's action must point towards this goal if it is to be credible and mobilizing nationally and internationally. As in the time of the IAA [the First International] and in the time of Lenin, it goes without saying that solutions cannot be sought in entry restrictions or in tightening the right to asylum. The alleged securing of privileges is a fallacy that harms one's own interests. Only promoting class solidarity in the struggle against imperialism and capital can bring about greater justice for all.”

Sociologie, Man-Vrouw relaties, China – pré WOII

() Dilia Davin, “Woman-work – Women and the party in revolutionary China”, Oxford University Press 1979; “It has been suggested that in hunting societies women have greater power then they are important producers of raw materials [from gathering or fishing] than when they are mainly processor of meat or other supplies produced by men In a similar way, the amount and type of work performed by women aided from child-care and housework seems to have been an important variable in determining their status in China. Thus,  Cantonese women who normally worked in the fields have for centuries bee famed for their strength of character, and were generally considered to be lihai [though and fierce]. A Japanese anthropologist, writing of a Yangtze delta village in the 1930s, noted that female status was comparatively high among the poorer families wince wither women worked as agricultural labourers, made willow baskets, and did embroidery work significantly through, even his proof of the ‘high status’ of the housewives. That she was able to influence the family head indicated this framework of subordination within which women lived, while showing that the degree of that subordination might vary.”